Prof.
Dhesi on India-Pakistan Talks:
HAVE INDIA-PAKISTAN PEACE TALKS COLLAPSED? |
|
BBC News
At 12:07pm on 26 Jul 2010, Autar Dhesi wrote:
The talks have to really get going before they can collapse. There
have been numerous get to-gethers for one reason or the other but
no serious dialogues. The basic problem is lack of trust in one
another's intentions.
Hope the two sister states would be able to remove the hidden roadblocks
one day for the good of poor people on both sides
The road blockers to peace have been flourishing on both sides under
the cover of ever thickening, mysterious, misty clouds hovering
on the horizon of the subcontinent since the dawn of independence
days. The common,desperate objective of twice born elites has been
to snatch power and perpetuate their autocratic, vice like grip
over its levers by fair or not so fair means, meticulously camouflagedas
sacred pursuit of respective national interests (read nation building
projects). As a consequence, hapless, gullible 'common man' has
been on a costly, bumpy, endless ride.The emaciated invisible or
not so invisible agencies, handy tools of dirty tricks, often more
successful against fellow citizens than others, are always dutifully
there to accept any blame silently. Such mindless, misdemeanour
of civilians or non-civilians is nothing short of heinous crime
against humanity.
High time for some respite
Alas! no deliverance in sight
Gamesters ever shine bright
Facetious pride , citizen’s plight
While they merrily bray
Wait in silent pray
On an optimistic note, demeaning, farcical, political
dramatists are likely to go into obilivian with a worst of floodlights
of knowledge. They would find themselves out of place in a knowledge
society. The wise and noble are likely to prevail (a pious hope)
bymarginalising modern day Neros and charlatans. This should give
relief to ever suffering common man and some consolation for lost
souls of lesser beings. What a democracy! But it is only for the
chosen ones.
Some cynical citizens may lament that invisible (cross border) norms
of reciprocity seem to havebeen internalised by elites to come to
each other’s rescue at critical moments. The collusive game
play, however, should come to an end sooner or later as the play
field is becoming visibly open by the day. Till that time, one act
plays on ‘peace’ would be considered smoke screens for
some hidden,unethical aims by many on both sides. Somehow, by quirk
of fatethe progeny of manylong forgotten selfless liberators stands
besmirched due to doingsofpolitical knaves.
It is certainly a self-righteous, kinky approach
tolay downfoundations forbuilding modernnations. Equality is a normative
ideal goal that is difficult to achieve under the best of circumstances.
But in a democratic society, none should be perceived excessively
more equal than others. A society characterised by dissonance between
stated principles of governance and social practices sin ever need
of security threats (real or orchestrated ones, even at the cost
of some fellow citizens) to maintain some functional national unity.
History teaches us that a blinkered social vision based on selective
amnesia about honest contributions of beings of lesser gods often
proves self-defeating in the long run.
An ungrateful society is hardly sustainable. Yet, a mature, confident,
caring, civilised society is ever ready to recognise such aberrations
and make necessary amends. It considers no time bar for positive
actions.
Side Notes on Contemporary Political History
Sometimes poetic graffiti is more meaningful than long winded essays.
It gives readers freedom to interpret simple verses through their
respective prisms. There is no offence if verses get torn apart.
That is the essence of democratic living.
Supple conscience in game
Delivers a kinky dame
Flexible morals capricious mind
Modern to anthropological kind
Vain mistrust begets guile
Mirthed in narcissistic bile
Make debased scamps knight
Maligning valiant considered right
Once on self-willed trail
System sure gets derailed
Disgrace for mighty tall
Self-willed future actuated fall
Pliant underlings sans name
Fossilised ideas yield shame
Honourable norms should prevail
Making none to wail
New times reticent dame
Secret exchanges nuanced game
Foxy call anointed wise
Creating suspense for ‘sunrise’
Pretensions not-withstanding, there is no such
thing as honesty or integrity in public affairs.
They constitute the most debased currency for the naive and uninitiated
to lap up so that the twice born may carry on, regardless. Those
who know the value of honesty or priceless soul shun barter exchange..
Posted on July 27, 2010 |
MEDIA
HYPE AND THE REALITY OF “NEW” INDIA
Hasan Suroor
http://www.hindu.com/2010/07/20/stories/2010072055881100.htm |
Poverty
in at least eight States —
Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, West Bengal, Orissa, Madhya
Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand
— was worse than in some of the poorest countries of sub-Saharan
Africa.
In a week when Delhi's new “world-class” airport
opened for business and the Indian Space Research Organisation
celebrated the successful launch of five new satellites, we
had a stark reminder of another India that, increasingly, many
Indians feel embarrassed to talk about. A United Nations-backed
study by Oxford University revealed that poverty in at least
eight Indian States — Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan,
West Bengal, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand
— was worse than in some of the poorest countries of sub-Saharan
Africa.
The findings are based on a global poverty index, the Multidimensional
Poverty Index or MPI, developed by Oxford University. It takes
into account a range of social factors not hitherto considered
while measuring poverty and will replace the Human Poverty Index
(HPI) which, until now, has formed the basis for the annual
U.N. Human Development Reports.
How's the new index significantly different from the traditional
ways of measuring poverty and how will it make a difference
on the ground? Here, Dr. Sabina Alkire , Director of the Oxford
Poverty and Human Development Initiative (OPHI), who has travelled
extensively in India, speaks to Hasan Suroor :
Were you surprised by the finding that there are more poor people
in eight Indian States than in the 26 poorest African states
combined?
No, I wasn't really surprised, as the scale of Indian poverty
is well known within the academic world —whether measured
in income terms or multi-dimensionally. But the recent focus
on India's phenomenal growth in the media has given the impression
that the largest numbers of very poor people are in Sub-Saharan
Africa rather than South Asia (where there are nearly twice
as many MPI poor than in Africa). We wanted to test that impression.
To get this comparison, what we did was to set a more extreme
poverty cut-off, which identified the Indian States and the
African countries whose Multidimensional Poverty Index (MPI)
was equal or greater than 0.32 (the MPIs we calculated for 104
countries range from 0 to .64). Eight Indian States and 26 African
countries fall below that cutoff. That's where this figure comes
from.
To give an idea of what this means, the least poor entry is
West Bengal (MPI = 0.32), in which 58 per cent of people are
MPI poor, and they are on average deprived in 54 per cent of
the dimensions or weighted indicators; in Niger 93 per cent
of people are MPI poor.
Actually, the intensity of poverty in Africa is still higher
— the population-weighted MPI for the 26 African countries
is 0.43, whereas for the Indian States it is 0.39.
How is the new Multidimensional Poverty Index or MPI significantly
different from the Human Poverty Index (HPI) that the U.N. uses
for its Human Development Report? Doesn't that also take social
indicators as the basis for measuring poverty?
The indices share the same motivation, but are totally different.
The MPI starts with each person, and looks at their lives and
that of their household members, and identifies a person as
poor only if they have multiple deprivations. The MPI reflects
the intensity of deprivation each person experiences as well
as the percentage of people who are poor.
The HPI aggregates percentages of people who are deprived in
different things. So it cannot see if all of the HPI indicators
affect the same person simultaneously, or if each person only
has one deprivation.
This is understandable, because in 1997 when the HPI was developed
we did not have the data that is required to construct the MPI.
Only recently has it become possible to focus first on each
person's life, and build a multidimensional poverty measure
from that.
Critics might say that studies such as yours simply end up producing
sensational headlines without anything actually changing on
the ground? Is there any evidence, for instance, that the Human
Poverty Index has helped fight poverty better than the previous
measures of poverty?
Our aim is to strengthen the work of many others who are working
passionately to stand alongside and empower those who live with
suffering and poverty to shape their own destinies. We welcome
specific suggestions from others about how better to do this,
but it seems that sharing a measure which can show the simultaneous
deprivations people face should be a useful tool to others.
Doesn't, ultimately, the good old definition of poverty based
on household income and purchasing still remain valid?
Yes. Our measure complements the income and consumption data,
and focuses only on very acute indications of poverty. These
data come from different surveys, in most cases. It is a matter
of enriching the information field. If both measures coincide
perfectly, of course, there would be no need for both poverty
measures. However from preliminary analysis it seems that they
differ quite a bit, even at the level of individual. We need
to understand how and why. If a household has a disabled person
it may not be income poor but clearly experiences multiple deprivations
for example. Or a family may have enough money to be nourished,
but actually the children are malnourished. Also, the MPI checks
access to certain services directly, whereas income data includes
these in a different way. Finally, data in both cases are imperfect,
so comparing two different measures can give us a clearer picture.
In the course of your study, did you come across any other surprising
trends about India?
We did note that the MPI for different caste groups varies a
great deal. The Scheduled Tribes have the highest MPI (0.482),
almost the same as Mozambique, and a headcount (the percentage
of people who are MPI poor) of 81 per cent. The Scheduled Castes
have a headcount of 66 per cent (the percentage of people who
are MPI poor) and their MPI is a bit better than Nigeria. Fifty-eight
per cent of other Backward Castes are MPI poor. About one in
three of the remaining Indian households are multi-dimensionally
poor, and their MPI is just below that of Honduras. While this
is not a surprise, it is yet another clear indication of the
need for interventions that address these social aspects of
poverty in India, alongside the direct deprivations.
Forwerded
by Paramjit Saroy & Posted on July 27, 2010
|
INDIAN
INSTITUTE OF ADVANCED STUDY, SHIMLA
DALIT CHALLENGES AND DISCIPLINARY PRACTICES
|
CONCEPT NOTE
Dalit Challenges and Disciplinary Practices Dalit
Studies Week (19-25 July, 2010) at Indian Institute of Advanced
Study, Shimla
The interface between dalit activism and academia in the last
two decades has given way to a growing body of work on Dalit
Studies. It is essentially inter/multi-disciplinary in character
and explores new questions, methods, and paradigms. The political
and cultural overtones of the term and concept of ‘dalit’
have opened up new possibilities of critical engagement with
conceptual categories of exclusion and marginality for disciplinary
practices. Posing a challenge to the existing disciplines,
it propels the initiative for the creation of an alternative
paradigm as well as reconfiguring the contours of everyday
life in Indian society in general and academia in particular.
Caste, religion and land as determinants of relations of power
and subordination, as sources of oppression and humiliation
are central to the understanding of dalit life-worlds.
Long
waves of egalitarian challenges posed by bhakti and sufi movements
to the hierarchical ideology of Brahmanism in the pre-colonial
times were fractured by the pro-Brahmanical colonial intervention
that left the task of building India ‘modern’
for the self-proclaimed ‘modernists’ highly complex
and difficult. It is best exemplified in the fall of the Hindu
Code Bill in 1951 that Dr Ambedkar had introduced as Law Minister
to empower women of India as equal citizens. Nehru as archetypal
‘modernist’ failed miserably to exert his weight
as the Prime Minister of India to carry along the conservatives
with the reformist agenda for a free India. Quite ironically
even Sarojini Naidu had threatened to go on a hunger strike
if the Bill was not dropped. While the orthodox majority basked
in their triumphal sun the real modernist Ambedkar resigned
from the Cabinet in utter disgust. The nation is still struggling
to wriggle out of the stranglehold of brahmanical ideology
and the colonial legacy of the British. Dalits have been trying
from time to time to escape this suffocation by converting
to egalitarian religions such as Islam, Christianity and Buddhism
with varying degree of success and satisfaction. The strategy
of ‘conversion’ was also stamped by Ambedkar and
it needs to be seen how far it has helped dalits improve their
life conditions.
Over
the last few decades the debate around ‘who speaks for
the subaltern?’ has raised questions of ‘representation’
and ‘authenticity’. Suspicions have been expressed
by internal voices against non-Dalits’ writings; not
even sparing the genuine and sympathetic thinkers. There has
also been the conventional mode of patronage and an attitude
of condescension on the part of the ‘other side’.
Even though serious academic work has been undertaken in the
past, however, there has also been a spurt in the production
of knowledge for the sake of promotions as also for the market.
A balanced approach demands an open-minded/ended and inclusive
reception and participation for a progressive onward journey.
The ‘exclusions’ cannot be countered by ‘exclusions’;
organic dalit intellectuals should be more aware of the dangers
of exclusionary practices. Dalit studies cannot but consciously
address the unconscious of not only the ‘oppressed’
but the ‘oppressor’ as well.
The
establishment of Dr. Ambedkar Chairs and UGC sponsored ‘Centres
for Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy’ in different
universities and educational institutions have played its
role in sensitising the academics toward Dalit Studies. But
even after two decades of Dalit Studies’ existence in
the academia, it is still in an amorphous state, and is at
cross-roads. The ‘rethinking’ and ‘reimagining’
seem already in place and a week’s meeting-of-minds
is bound to trigger new ideas for charting this new road.
It is important that stocktaking be done, reviews made and
a roadmap sketched for the future of Dalit Studies. A week
of intensive presentations, discussions, and reflections by
a small group of 20 dedicated scholars is called for that
purpose. The invited participants cover a broad range of scholars
from different disciplines including public intellectuals
who have already contributed in the field of Dalit Studies.
Each day of the Study Week would take up not more than 4 papers
with ample time for presentation and discussion to finally
lead the scholars toward publication of its proceedings by
the Institute.
Themes:
· Dalit
activism, dalit studies and academia: impact of dalit consciousness
and assertion
· ‘Who
speaks for the Subaltern?’: The questions of ‘representation’
and ‘authenticity’
· Pragmatics
of knowledge production
· Dialectics
of the ‘oppressed’ and ‘oppressor’:
relationship between dalits and swarnas
· Dalits
in literary and historiographical praxis
· Dalits
and modernity project: religion, caste and state through colonial
and postcolonial times |
Studies
Week (19-25 July, 2010)
Programme Schedule:
Monday: 19 July 2010
10—11.00 Inaugural Session
Welcome: Ghanshyam Shah
Introduction: Raj Kumar Hans
11.00 Tea Break
11.30-13.30 Chair: Ghansyham Shah
Joel Lee: A Critical Review of the Anthropology of Caste
13.30-14.30 Lunch
15.00-17.00 Chair: Anand Teltumbde
P. Sanal Mohan: Social Science Practice and Cultures of Resistance:
Situating Dalit Studies
======================================================================================================
Tuesday: 20 July 2010
9.00—11.00 Chair: Sanal Mohan
Priyadarshini Vijaisri: Beyond the History of Pathos
11.00 Tea Break
11.30-13.30 Chair: Priyadarshini Vijaisri
Masood Alam Falahi: Dalit Oppression: an Analysis of Islamic Literary
and Historiographical Practice
13.30-14.30 Lunch
15.00-17.00 Chair: Joel Lee
Suresh Babu: Dalit Rationality and Post-colonial Trajectory of Modernity
in India
======================================================================================================
Wednesday: 21 July 2010
9.00—11.00 Chair: P. G. Jogdand
Anand Teltumbde: Dalit, Modernity and Metamorphosis of Castes 11.00
Tea Break 11.30-13.30 Chair: Ravikumar Neerav Patel: Who Speaks
for Dalits?
13.30-14.30 Lunch
15.00-17.00 Chair: Shura Darapuri
S Anand: Presentation of a Documentary Bhagwan Das: In Pursuit of
Ambedkar
=====================================================================================================
Thursday: 22 July 2010
9.00—11.00 Chair: S Anand
Ravikumar: The Untouched Sacrifice: Dalits and Third Mozhipor
11.00 Tea Break
11.30-13.30 Chair: Neerav Patel
Om Prakash Valmiki: Hindi Sahitya ke Antravirodh: Vishisath Sandarbh
aur Dalit Chetna
13.30-14.30 Lunch
15.00-17.00 Chair:
Manmohan: Dalit Questions in Contemporary Punjabi Literature
======================================================================================================
Friday: 23 July 2010
9.00—11.00 Chair: Ronki Ram
Nandu Ram: ‘Exclusion’ and ‘Inclusion’ in
the Context of Dalits
11.00 Tea Break
11.30-13.30 Chair: Raj Kumar Hans
Ronki Ram: Cultures of Social Protest in the Periphery: Guru Ravidass,
Bhakti and the Rise of Dalit Deras in Punjab
13.30-14.30 Lunch
15.00-17.00 Chair: Om Prakash Valmiki
Vijaya Singh: To Eat or Not to Eat: Hunger and Humiliation in Dalit
Stories
======================================================================================================
Saturday: 24 July 2010
9.00—11.00 Chair: Gopal Guru
Raj Kumar Hans: Dalit Saint Poets of Punjab and their Exclusion
from Histories
11.00 Tea Break
11.30-13.30 Chair: Nandu Ram
Jasvir Singh: Dalits, Constitutional Promises of Socio-Economic
Justice and the State in India with special reference to Agricultural
Wage Workers
13.30-14.30 Lunch
15.00-17.00 Chair: Gopal Guru: Challenges in Theorizing Dalit Questions
======================================================================================================
Sunday: 25 July 2010
9.00—11.00 Chair: Jasvir Singh
Shura Darapuri: Caste-based Exclusion and its Impact on Health:
A Study with specific reference to Dalit Women
11.00 Tea Break
11.30—13.30 Chair: P. G. Jogdand: Dalit Studies in Maharashtra:
Emerging Trends and Needed Research
13.30-14.30 Lunch
15.00-17.00 Reflections as chaired by Gopal Guru
Posted
on July 16, 2010 |
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MAYA’S
CULTURAL JAAL
*By
Kancha Ilaiah
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When
the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister, Ms Mayawati, changed her ideological
position from Bahujan Samaj formulated by her mentor Kanshi
Ram to Sarvajan Samaj there was elation among the upper caste
intellectuals and sadness among the dalit-bahujan intellectuals.
Delhi-based
intellectuals, who usually hate Ms Mayawati, started praising
her for her accommodative approach and for leaving behind the
confrontational approach of Kanshi Ram. In fact, many were surprised
how a militant anti-manuwadi woman leader could compromise with
the Uttar Pradesh brahmins against whom she had been fighting
so virulently.
When she
worked out a formula for roping the Uttar Pradesh brahmins into
the fold of her votebank by repositioning her party’s
slogan itself, from Bahujan Samaj to Sarvajan Samaj, several
dalit-bahujan scholars thought that this would be the end of
Ambedkarism in Uttar Pradesh, even north India. Kanshi
Ram’s death had led to depression in the dalit-bahujan
political circles of the nation. Kanshi Ram was an inspiring
and uncompromising political and intellectual leader and Ms
Mayawati was not seen as a leader in her own right then. I too
was very sceptical of her abilities to lead the Bahujan Samaj
Party in a manner that could help it survive — leave alone
coming to power as it did later.
Once she
came to power there was also speculation that she would serve
the brahminical interests — leaving Kanshi Ram’s
legacy behind. However, it has now become evident that in the
cultural realm she is simply dalitising the whole state. This
was something unexpected. Not only are districts being renamed
after dalit-bahujan icons, but the very ethos of Uttar Pradesh
is undergoing a revolutionary change now. Ms Mayawati has built
many monuments on the Navayana Buddhist theme (navayana is Pali
for new vehicle). Navayana Buddhist refers to the idea that
a Buddhist movement may represent a new yana. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar:
“I will accept and follow the teachings of Buddha. I will
keep my people away from the different opinions of Hinyan and
Mahayan, two religious orders. Our Bouddha Dhamma is a new Bouddha
Dhamma, Navayan”. The Buddhist and Ambedkar parks that
Ms Mayawati is building will inevitably reduce the spiritual
significance of Ayodhya, Kashi-Benares, Mathura and so on.
By renaming
districts after Ambedkar, Phule, Sahuji Maharaj, Rama Bai (the
illiterate first wife of Ambedkar), the dalit-bahujan icons
of Maharashtra and the birthplace of Navayana Buddhism, she
has changed Uttar Pradesh’s cultural atmosphere itself.
Of course, Kanshi Ram and Ms Mayawati herself have been elevated
as icons in the process. In Uttar Pradesh, they are not only
names of districts but their statues are being worshipped in
Ambedkar parks.
Ms Mayawati’s
decision to transform the cultural realm of Uttar Pradesh would
certainly have all-India implications. I do not think that the
brahmins of Uttar Pradesh are in a position to resist this transformation.
She has put it on an irreversible course. The Congress cannot
stall this course either. Wherever the Congress is in power,
they have named institutions after Nehru, Indira Gandhi and
Rajiv Gandhi. But they do not have any culturally transformative
implications. Buddha, Ambedkar, Phule, Sahuji Maharaj, Periyar,
Kanshi Ram and so on are not like that. They have serious anti-Hindu
cultural implications. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) knows
this but is not in a position to do anything because it burnt
its hands in Ayodhya and Gujarat. Further, the BJP cannot say
that these are anti-national icons.
Likewise,
the Samajwadi Party (SP) leader Mulayam Singh Yadav cannot reverse
or stop the trend because he has no alternative of his own to
offer. His party is now competing for power for the sake of
power, without constructing any socio-cultural agenda of its
own. Its icons, Ram Manohar Lohia and Charan Singh, do not have
much impact in the cultural realm, unlike Ambedkar. The fact
is that unless icons are associated with alternative spiritual
culture they do not create a following that lasts long. In the
modern period only Ambedkar did that and Kanshi Ram brought
that icon into unbelievable achievability. And Ms Mayawati’s
dalit common sense captured that imagination very well.
Even if
the Congress, the SP or the BJP come to power they will not
be able to dismantle the Ambedkar parks or rename the districts.
Earlier, Ms Mayawati was in power only for six months each time
— that too with the BJP’s support. But now she will
be there for full five years and the chances of her getting
re-elected are very high. If she is in power for 10 years, Uttar
Pradesh’s cultural history will change beyond recognition.
Not many know that Kanshi Ram had a vision of constructing the
biggest Ambedkarite Buddha Vihara in Uttar Pradesh along with
a massive international airport in Lucknow. His plan was that
Uttar Pradesh should become a big Ambedkarite Buddhist international
tourist centre so that it could generate a competitive tourist
capital.
Ms Mayawati
seems to think that she has to fulfil her mentor’s dream.
She seems to understand that cultural capital will be more long-lasting
than political and economic capital.
*Courtesy:* Prof. Kancha Ilaiah's article, already published
in Deccan Chronicle.
(Posted on July 14, 2010, www.ambedkartimes.com)
BODHI-Centre for Adivasi Dalit Bahujan Initiatives
|
WHO’S
AFRAID OF CASTE CENSUS?
|
|
Ever
since the Centre announced that it would collect data on various
castes during the ongoing Census, the media has created a hue and
cry saying that this would harm the nation and open a Pandora’s
Box of caste conflicts. On the other hand, those who seek caste
enumeration are of the view that this would clear the cobwebs and
deliver proper data on other backward classes (OBCs) that will help
implement reservation policies and welfare schemes better.
The
collection of caste data was not a decision taken by the government
on its own. The OBC leadership across the country has demanded it
and the Supreme Court advised the Centre to go for such a Census
to ensure that an accurate population database was made available.
Let
us not forget the fact that even at the time of the 2001 Census
there was a strong demand for caste census. The then deputy Prime
Minister L.K Advani, in fact, went on record to say that caste data
would be collected. But Right-wing academic forces — particularly
a group of sociologists and anthropologists — advised the
Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance government
not to go for such an enumeration as it would go against the interests
of the ruling upper castes and communities.
It
should be noted that the opposition to caste data has been coming
from upper castes that still control the levers of power. The lower
castes have never opposed such a proposal.
It
is fallacious to argue that society would get further divided if
the population of each caste is known to the policymakers and to
the public.
Caste
culture is all around us. In the dalit-bahujan discourse, the upper
castes are being shown as constituting less than 15 per cent. This
could be totally wrong. Even within the lower castes there are several
false claims about numbers. Every caste claims that it is numerically
the strongest and keeps asking for its “rightful” share.
How
to tell them that their claims are wrong? When caste has become
such an important category of day-to-day reckoning it is important
to have proper data at hand to tell communities that they constitute
this much and cannot ask for more than their share.
It
is true that we cannot distribute everything based on caste. But
caste census is the right basis for statistics such as literacy
rate and issues like the proportion of representation. Once we cite
the Census data there cannot be any authentic opposition to that
evidence.
The
upper caste intelligentsia is afraid that once detailed data on
number of people in lower castes is available it would become a
major ground for asking for accurate proportional representation
in certain sectors, such as education and employment.
For
example, once the caste data is available, the 50 per cent limit
on reservations imposed by the Supreme Court could be questioned
on the basis of numbers. This would in turn help in sustaining the
overall system of liberal democracy. The system of democracy would
only get deeper with the discourse of numbers.
Democracy
is in effect a system of numbers unlike communism, which does not
deal with numbers while institutionalising a government. In a democracy,
the governing system is institutionalised through an electoral process
and in such a system the people must be counted from all angles
— sex, race, religion, caste and so on. In a democracy based
on numbers, any section of society can come to power.
Based
on the counting on the basis of religion, Hindus have realised that
they are the majority. And because of that understanding they have
claimed power. When Mahatma Gandhi suggested that Muhammed Ali Jinnah
should be made the first Prime Minister in order to avoid Partition,
Jawaharlal Nehru and Sardar Patel put forth the argument that India
was a Hindu-majority nation and would not accept a Muslim as its
first Prime Minister. Where did the notion of Hindu majoritarianism
come from? It came from numbers.
With
the same logic what is wrong if women, cutting across religious
divides, count themselves, and organise themselves to come to power?
They constitute about 50 per cent of the population and if they
want to fight for gender democracy, they too can come to power.
So should there be a demand for abolition of gender enumeration,
too?
If
caste census is done, the India democracy would thrive on the firm
support of the lower castes who keep hoping of getting their share
based on their numbers. The upper castes may feel desolate with
the system of democracy itself, if this shift begins to take place.
They might call such a shift “castocracy”. But would
they call a state or a nation being ruled by women “womenocracy”?
Cognitive
social psychology says all such theories are constructed on a convenience
known as “comfort zone”. If brown upper castes live
in white societies they see brown bashing but black bashing remains
hidden in their blind spots. In white societies the browns are not
in their comfort zone but in India they are and do not want to see
the other’s “discomfort zone”.
Many
upper caste intellectuals say that caste was a construction of the
colonial census system. They talk as if caste never existed before
the British started an enumerative process. By their logic we should
come to the conclusion that before the British enumerated people
based on religion, there were no religions in India. There are many
such blind spots in India and that is why we still remain backward
in theories of knowledge.
Let
all castes — not just OBCs — be counted for strengthening
our democratic system. I know that even mine is a blind-spot theory
but it may have the effect of an antidote.
Published
in Deccan Chronicle Forwarded by: PARAMJIT SAROY Posted on July
09, 2010
|
Caste
Census: Opening a Pandora’s Box?
BBC News London At 07:25am on 25 May 2010, Autar Dhesi wrote:
PROF.
AUTAR DHESI ON CASTE IN INDIA |
|
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Post-script
Man
sans learning tends to submerge in the animal kingdom(see Dhesi,1979).It
is educational processes, formal a swell formal, that facilitate
His becoming human. The idea has been expressed in verse (Dhesi,
1997, op.cit) as below.
Animal inert albeit nothing
Is a person without learning
The educational process is transformative that enhances human capability
in its different dimensions. Education is a potent instrument of
achieving equality and liberation from man-made shackles. Therefore,
a doctrine or policy that impinges on equality of access to educational
processes can be considered inhuman. The sources of inequities are
distorted social processes ,especially the educational one. The
crusted remanants of ‘varnashram’ ideology deeply embedded
in the Indian social psyche still militates against members of certain
groups trying to break the invisible roadblocks. Only the victims
can feel the illeffects of invidious caste-based game play. Worse
still, the insidious design ,inspired by ancient Indian anthropological
precepts, of modern Indian leaders is to stop the aspiring ‘lesser
beings’ in their tracks well before the stage of blooming.
The carefully fine tuned modus operandi is to discredit them by
deploying all ways and means. The thoroughly emasculated administrative
set up is there not to protect victims of illconceived design but
to serve the purposes of self-centred leaders without commitment
to social goals. For them, people are just numbers put into different
categories. Nevertheless, Indians enjoy the accolade of being the
biggest democracy of some sort. Some consolation for the hapless
who should remain happy, regardless. After all, everyone cannot
be in the special category.
It is simply a question of controlling access to society’s
stock of honey. Therefore, a just and correct policy approach should
attack inequities at the source rather than taking an insidious
recourse later on to a highly questionable policy of reservations,
caste-based or otherwise.
For details see:
Dhesi Autar S.(1979),Human Capital Formation and its Utilisation
New Delhi:Sterling.
----------------(1998),”Caste,Caste Synergies and Discrimination
in India,”
International Journal of Social Economics,
Vol.28(8):1030-48. ----------------(2006),”Unequal Opportunities
in Education and Employment”,
In Samuel L Myers,Jr. and Bruce P. Corrie (eds.), Racial and Ethnic
Economic Inequality: An International Perspective, chapter 10.
New York:Peter Lain
(Revised) Posted
on July 03, 2010 |

Forwarded byDushyant
Kumar |
LET
US JOIN THE JULY 4 AND VETERANS’ DAY PARADES |
Dr. Onkar Singh Bindra
America
is the country of birth of a lot of Sikh children and even many
adults. For those of us who were born in India, or another country,
America is the country of our choice. Having a Green Card or Citizenship
is a great privilege. With this privilege, go some duties, namely,
hoisting the American Flag and participating in the Independence
Day parades and other programs organized by the City governments
and Communities. Most cities in Greater Sacramento have a day-long
celebration on 4th of July, culminating in a fireworks display.
In Sacramento this year, these will include: Cal Expo State Fair
fireworks at 9:30 p.m.; Carmichael parade at 10 a.m.; Fireworks
at La Sierra Community Center at 9 p.m.; Citrus Heights fireworks
at Sunrise Mall at 9:40 pm. Elk Grove, Salute to the flag at Elk
Grove Regional Park at 9:45 pm.; Folsom, fireworks at Pro Rodeo
City. Rancho Cordova will celebrate at Hagan Park, 3 days of fun
& fireworks. We Sikhs have been in California since 1890s, but
we have lived in our small cultural islands. We have made little
effort to mix with the local Americans. They do not know who Sikhs
are. They mistake us for who we are not. Many Sikhs have been called
Osama. We have been called “rag-heads” and our turban
has been called a “Diaper”. Despite a lot of legal and
educational activity by national Sikh organizations (SALDEF, United
Sikhs, The Sikh Coalition) most Americans lack correct information
about the Sikhs. This has led to increased stereotyping, bullying,
oral and physical attacks, discrimination, and hate crimes including
arson and murders, in the wake of 9/11. Our mixing with the local
population in the Independence Day parades and Veterans Day Parades
will have a very positive effect. They will learn about us. Their
prejudice, fear and hatred for us will get replaced with understanding,
friendship and respect. Participation of the Sunday school of the
West Sacramento Gurdwara in the annual Neighborhood Parade is very
much appreciated by the West - Sacramentans. I urge the leaders
of various social, cultural, literary, political and religious organizations
of the Sikhs in Greater Sacramento toseriously consider organizing
Sikh participation in the July 4 and Veterans’ Day parades.
Please remember, non-participation in these national events is likely
to be considered un-American.
Posted
on July 01, 2010
|
|
ON
MULTICULTURALISM & CULTURAL FREEDOM
Professor
Autar Dhesi
|
The
cultural traditions and symbols need to adjust to a changed situation
otherwise they become a source of misunderstanding and lose utility
to their adherents. In any case, they can continue to persist
for long time at the place of origin but not necessarily elsewhere.
I understand
fully that British are very tolerant to other cultures. But it
should not imply that people of other cultures, who plan to settle
in Britain permanently, can do whatever they like, regardless
of sensibilities of indigenous population. However, there is need
for defining multiculturalism before taking any legislative measure.
The
relevance of cultural traditions and its symbols is context specific.
With change in context, they lose their significance and may rather
become source of misunderstanding. The origin of face-veil is traced
to the Christian-ruled Byzantine Empire. It was considered a device
to protect women in the absence of their male protectors engaged
in battles away from home. Later,the veil became part of Muslim
culture during conquest of Byzantine empire by Arabs. At present
it is prevalent among Muslim women only. However, there are more
than half a dozen different forms of veil that are popular across
the world. Some of them look quite graceful. In liberal Muslim countries,
Hijab, Al-mira, Shalya and Chador are the most popular forms of
veil. The western countries find only Burqua and probably Niqab
quite out of place.
It
is suggested that the Muslim communities in these countries should
debate this issue among themselves objectively and suggest an acceptable
solution in their long term interest.
Postscript
Before 1947, it was a common practice among married women across
castes, and religions, especially in rural North India to cover
their faces in the presence of male elders as a mark of modesty.
With mass migration of Muslims to Pakistan at the time of independence,
this outdated cultural symbol soon disappeared in the changed social
context, at least, in Punjab. It signaled emancipation of women
and not any disrespect to elders. In any case, the vitality of a
culture is contingent on its capacity to adjust to evolving socio-economic
conditions. The Punjabi culture is rich because of its inherent
flexibility..
Posted on May 19, 2010
|
|
SITUATION
IN SOUTH AFRICA
Autar
Dhesi wrote:
At 3:53pm on 07 Apr 2010,
|
It is easy to remove physical
walls and build bridges. But removing mental blocks and building
social bridges is entirely a different cup of tea. The removal of
dross from crevices of a society requires a lot of patience and
sustained efforts for long time. Besides enlightened strong political
leadership, building moral fabric of a society requires the involvement
of a large number of morally driven individuals across its different
segments. However, the former ruling elite should be quite clear
that the possibility of reverse discrimination can be avoided only
by their careful adjustment to the changed environment. However,
it is easier said than done. But one must try. The peaceful coexistence
respecting each others' sentiments and concerns is the only solution.
Post- script
The disagreement between an employer and his two employees, on fair
compensation for work, would have not resulted in loss of a valuable
human life, under conditions of healthy human relations based on
trust and respect for each other’s rights. The difference
could be resolved without acrimony. Therefore, the real issue that
needs to be addressed is much deeper.
It seems that the former ruling elites in South Africa have not
fully adjusted to the changed situation. The blacks, who are in
majority, have not fully shed their psychological burden of past
unpleasant experiences yet. As new rulers they should be more relaxed
and tolerant to-wards former rulers. However, a lot of work needs
to be done by government, and social entrepreneurs to facilitate
reconciliation between different groups. This time round, President
Jacob Duma’s political and diplomatic acumen is on critical
test at home ground. Hope he sets his priorities right.
|
SOCIO-ECONOMIC
CONDITION OF SCS IN STATE DEPRESSING:
Buta Singh
http://www.hindu.com/2010/04/29/stories/2010042957770100.htm
Special Correspondent
‘Injustice
has been done to them in recruitment, implementation of
schemes'
|
Bangalore:
The National Commission for Scheduled Castes (SCs) on Wednesday
termed “depressing” the overall socio-economic condition
of the Scheduled Castes in the State and said “grave injustice”
had been done to them in recruitment, promotions, allocation of
funds and implementation of various centrally sponsored schemes.
Commission
Chairman Buta Singh, who reviewed the progress achieved in the
implementation of schemes for the welfare of SCs in the State,
said they constituted 16.2 per cent of the State's population,
but reservation had been fixed at 15 per cent, which was against
the Constitution.
Denial
“Denial
of 1.2 per cent reservation for SCs is gross injustice and violation
of the fundamental right. We cannot digest this,” he added.
The Government allocates 15 per cent of funds in the budget and
reserves 15 per cent of seats in educational institutions for
SCs. Of the State's population of 5.28 crore, SCs account for
85, 53,920, he said. The Government has not maintained data on
the percentage of SC employees in Class I, Class II and Class
III categories. There is no data on the release of matching grants
by the State to implement centrally sponsored schemes. The commission
has given a two-day deadline to the Government to provide details
on various issues related to SCs, Mr. Singh said. The Government
has not followed the roster system in recruitment to its departments,
public undertakings and autonomous bodies. No action has been
taken against 4,200 candidates who obtained jobs by producing
fake caste certificates.
Several backlog
vacancies have not been filled over the years. “Unless the
roster system is followed, we cannot decide the number of vacant
backlog posts,” the Chairman said. Only in Group D category,
24.4 per cent of SCs had been employed, he said. Sources said
nearly 3,000 backlog vacancies exist.
No
liaison officer
There is no liaison officer at the State and district levels for
monitoring the implementation of welfare schemes, Mr. Singh said.
A high-level committee on the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities Act) headed by the Chief Minister
has not met for the past three years. It held a meeting when H.D.
Kumaraswamy was Chief Minister, in 2006.
The
State ranks at the bottom of the table in conviction rates for
atrocities on SCs and STs. According to the National Crime Bureau,
in 2008 the conviction rate percentage in the State was 2.8 against
17.5 in Bihar, 13.3 in Andhra Pradesh, 26.9 in Assam, 34.2 in
Chhattisgarh, 3.5 in Gujarat, 10.6 in Haryana and 16 in Jharkhand,
he said. Referring to funds allocated for the Special Component
Plan and centrally sponsored schemes, Mr. Singh said that the
State did not release its share, and implementation of such schemes
had been dismal. Funds released by the Centre had also been not
utilised, Mr. Singh said.
Education
The Chairman said that the Government had not taken steps to improve
the quality of education of SCs. Nearly 65 per cent of students
did not pass 10th standard, and their admission to postgraduate
courses “is negligible in 11 State-run universities”.
Vice-Chairman of the commission N.M. Kamble, Social Welfare Minister
D. Sudhakar and Chief Secretary S.V. Ranganath were among those
present.
Forwarded
by Paramjit Saroy (Posted on May 08, 2010)
|
INDO-AUSTRALIAN
FRIENDSHIP
Some Reminiscences |
|
Autar
Dhesi |
My
interaction with Australians has been very limited but meaningful
I found them to be very friendly, direct and agreeable persons.
The recent bad press Aussies got due to a few unfortunate incidents
in their country has no effect on my view of them. Such incidents
occur occasionally almost in all societies.
One of my class fellows at University of Surrey was Daniel Breen.
He was already a senior lecturer in economics at one of the Australian
institutions. He came to London to do an M.Sc in international economics
in September, 1967. Breen and I opted for a course in Diplomacy
of International Economic Relations. Dr. Otto Pick, course in charge,
gave topics to each of us to prepare seminar essays for discussion.
We decided to exchange the essays prepared by us. One of us would
present the essay and the other was expected to put critical questions.
Dr. Otto Pick would act as a moderator and sum up the discussion
at the end of the seminar that often exceeded the allotted time.
Then we would go for coffee and continue informal exchange of ideas.
We soon became good friends. Dr. Otto considered Breen a hard working,
serious student and dismissed me as a casual, easy going person
but quite original (his words). He often said a student like me
either gets first or fails.
A minor incident in the department brought out the fine qualities
of Daniel Breen to the fore. Some undergraduate students had complained
to the head of the department against a teacher regarding her teaching.
Some of her colleagues planned to manipulate support of graduate
students by insulating that someone from our class might have complained.
We were quick to see through the game and unanimously decided to
depute Daniel Breen and another person of his choice to meet the
head of department, Mr. Lord. We felt relieved when Breen came back
and informed us that graduate students had nothing to do with the
complaint. Chance Meeting with Sir Robert Gordon Menzies
(Former Prime Minister of Australia)
After getting my degree from University of Surrey, one of the oldest
University of London College upgraded in 1960’s, I decided
to take a year off academic life for free lance writing. I had been
writing bits and pieces as a member of Indian Journalists’
Association, London since early 1960s. I also had been a founder
executive member of Campaign against Racial Discrimination since
its inception in 1964. All this made it easy to interact with the
right kind of persons. Some writing assignments came my way, especially
to write on socio-economic issue relating to immigrants for Race-Today,
a monthly of Institute of Race Relations, London and some other
publications. After handing over my article to Peter Watson, editor
of Race–Today, I decided to walk on a pleasant, sunny day
to London School of Economics. When I was near BBC House, I saw
a tall, well-built gentleman coming out of Australia House, next
to the BBC building. I instantly recognized him as his pictures
were everywhere in the morning papers. He was Sir Robert Gorden
Menzies. He was enjoying sun while waiting for someone. I decided
to greet him and try to get an appointment with a view to write
a story. He responded to my greetings warmly and wanted to know
about me. After listening to me for a few minutes, he said I could
go to Australia to study or to settle. Even he suggested that I
would do well in public life there. I was simply bowled over when
he said that. I should contact him if ever I decided to settle there.
I thanked him for his kindness. How can one forget such a wonderful
informal meeting with a great man?
I still remember, with nostalgia, those wonderful days of relaxed
social environment in London. Please permit me a little digression
to make my point clear. Just a few days earlier, I had gone to London
airport with a friend, who was doing his Ph.D. at School of Oriental
and African Studies, to receive his wife. As we entered the area
for incoming passengers, I noticed Reginald Maudling, former Chancellor
of Exchequer under P.M. Harold Macmillan. I had met him at an Indian
Journalists Association Republic day dinner. My friend could not
believe that a person of Maudling’s stature should be standing
among the commoners. So, I walked up to Reginald Maudling and reminded
him where we had met. Then I told him about my friend’s dilemma.
He told me that he was there to receive his son. The gentleman politician
gestured in his inimitable style, “Your friend better believe
you”.
An Australian in the World Bank
I was invited to work as a consultant in the Department of Economic
Analysis and Projection of the World Bank, Washington, D.C. during
summer months in 1982. Professor Hollis .Chenery was Vice-President,
Development Economics Research, and the above said department was
headed by an Australian, Dr. Helen Hughes. I made a courtesy call
on her on the first day of my joining the bank. After exchanging
pleasantries, she gave me friendly advice to publish only in international
journals if I wanted to reach somewhere. After a brief pause, she
said that she considered herself an Asian. At a social, she had
no hesitation in telling me that she worked as a bartender at some
stage of her life.
The Bank had rented an apartment for me in Watergate Towers near
Potomic River. I thought it was a bit away from the bank. So, I
found another apartment of similar quality in a hotel near the Bank
at half the rent. But I wanted to inform Helen before shifting there.
She was more than pleased by my proposed move as this would reduce
department’s expenses on my stay by half. Without wasting
a moment, she picked up the phone and told the person at the other
end to put her future consultants in this hotel near the Bank. At
the end, she thanked me.
I
found her as a friendly, direct person with no-nonsense, practical
approach.
Later, I learned that the only person among her permanent staff,
she got along well, was an Indian, Dr Shamsher Singh, Advisor (Project)
Professor Clem Tisdell Proessor Clem Tisdell, Emeritus Professor
of Economics, University of Queensland, Brisbane, is an acknowledged
academician of international standing. We have been friends, more
accurately pen pals since 1984, when I took over as Chairman, Punjab
School of Economics, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar. At the
time it was a small department with good potential. My objective
was to make it one of the best in the country. There was no shortage
of funds. But I had to overcome locational disadvantage due to its
close proximity to sensitive international border with Pakistan.
There was no problem in getting additional academic positions sanctioned.
But the problem was to find well qualified candidates with good
potential. So, I decided to recruit young persons with potential
to grow and send them to advanced centres within the country and
abroad for training.
Professor Tisdell was one of the persons I contacted for this; His
response was positive and enthusiastic. However, I decided to put
this programme at the back burner due to serious social turmoil,
Punjab was going through at the time.
So I decided to work on the next item on my agenda. This was to
bring out a journal of international standing. I had full support
of senior professors at major centers of economics in the country.
Similarly, there was no problem in persuading a few well known economists
in North America and Europe to extend support. I invited Professor
Tisdell to become regional editor of the journal for Australia,
New Zealand and South East Asia. His response was very prompt and
positive. His contribution to the Indian Journal of Quantitative
Economics in its initial years will always be remembered with gratitude
by Punjab School of Economics. As an acknowledgement of his contribution,
journal’s first issue of 1996 was dedicated to him.
He is always prompt and courteous whenever I write to him. I still
regret my inability to avail his offer to spend a year in his department
as a visiting professor.
A Brief Encounter with an Australian in Minneapolis.
I was invited to speak at a plenary session of First World Conference
on Racial and Ethnic Economic Inequality, organized by Humphrey
Institute, University of Minnesota in May, 1996. At the end of the
session in which I presented my paper, “Unequal opportunities
in Education and labour Market in India”, a gentleman walked
up to me, addressing me by first name, invited me to present a paper
at next year’s World Conference on the topic, to be organized
by him in Australia. He was Colin Bourke, heading an upcoming university
for the indigenous people of Australia, as I was winding up my work
at Amritsar, I could not avail his kind offer. Nevertheless, his
gesture confirmed my earlier opinion about Australians as people
with direct, friendly and no-nonsense approach to life.
Proverbial Icing on the Cake
In Jane Stevenson’s well received novel, London Bridges, Dilip
Dhesi, an Indian lawyer and his Australian sweet heart Jeanene Malone,
a student of classical Greek in London, are depicted as honest,
rational and forthright characters. Many among the Asians living
in Britain, who remember me from my days (17 years or so) in London,
consider the protagonist, Dilip Dhesi as more or less Autar Dhesi’s
alter ego. The only missing link is that Autar never got an opportunity
to befriend an Australian lady in real life.
Posted
on April 27, 2010 |
DR.
B.R.AMBEDKAR- A HUMBLE TRIBUTE
|

O.P.Balley Martinez, (California)
This
year we will commemorate 119th Birthday anniversary of the great
leader of India, father of the Indian constitution, the very conscience
of the socially oppressed, who dedicated his entire life for their
emancipation and uplift, Bharat Rattan Dr.B.R.Ambedkar. Before
paying my humble tributes to the memory of the most luminous stars
in the galaxy of human intelligentsia I extend my hearty congratulations
to millions of his followers all over the world on this auspicious
occasion.
Some of the glimpses of his unrelenting struggle and sacrifices
to fight against social injustice which speak for themselves are
shared as under: Dr. Ambedkar, born on April 14, 1891 in a Mahar
family hailing from the state of Maharashtra, grew up in the midst
of harsh and severe social disabilities which the untouchables,
also known as dalits and later as scheduled castes, suffered at
that time. He acquired the first hand knowledge of the inequalities
and in-built inadequacies in the entire social spectrum of Indian
society. He created awareness among the exploited and derelicted
members of society to raise their voice against the unjust social
order.
EDUCATIONIST:- Baba Sahib as he was
lovingly and affectionately known firmly believed that education
is the light to the mind as eyes to the blind. His birth in a
family of so called “untouchables” exploded the false
myth that education is the birth right of only the selected segments
of society. His intellect, vision, creativity and farsightedness
reinforced the reality that it is the worth and not the birth
which is the real source of one’s recognition in any society.
In the philosophy of Baba Sahib the place of self- respect and
human pride was the greatest and most important. He, through education
wanted to develop the qualities of justice, equality, freedom
and fearlessness. After completing his academic pursuits in U.S.A
and England he returned to India in 1920 to grapple with the problems
of social degeneration and Hindu antagonism created by “Manuwad”
based on inequality and injustice, which had been eating like
a cancer for centuries into the very vitals of Indian society.
NATIONALIST
:- Dr. Ambedkar was a fervent nationalist who transcended
all political differences with other national leaders of the time
with regard to his love and patriotism for his motherland. He
supported the prosecution of war against the Nazis and fascists
while appointed as labor member to Viceroy’s executive council
,as witnessed by late Lord Mountbatten the then British Commander-In
–Chief of Allied forces in South East Asia during world
war II in his expositions on the personality of this illustrious
Indian leader.
CONSTITUTIONALIST:- He was a seasoned
statesman, politician and a nation builder who welded the entire
nation into one unified entity through his charismatic skills
and wisdom in drafting the constitution of free India. It was
his exceptional knowledge of constitutional law which earned him
the distinct honor to tackle justly and fairly the diverse and
complex intricacies of Indian social order. As chairman of the
drafting committee Dr. Ambedkar had to tackle almost single- handedly
the gigantic task of drafting and presenting the constitution
of free India within a very limited period of time. He stood like
a tower of strength, guiding, explaining and clarifying the intricate
provisions of the constitution. The man who publicly burnt Manusmiriti
in 1927 presented another Smiriti or living law ( i.e. The Indian
constitution) which granted the people of India ,justice, liberty,
Equality and Fraternity instead of inequality, discrimination
and social fragmentations.
According to Dr.Bannerjee, a profound scholar and an eminent author,
“ The speeches delivered by Dr.Ambedkar in the constituent
assembly as the chairman of the drafting committee shows his profound
scholarship, admirable capacity for lucid exposition, penetrating
intellect and his courageous statesmanship. Indeed he may very
rightly be regarded as the chief architect of the present constitutional
structure.”
WHY EMBRACED BUDHISM?:- After his personal experiences
and carping humiliations of Hinduism plagued with caste discriminations
Baba Saheb once seriously considered conversion to Sikhism as
a viable means to escape from the shackles of Hinduism but he
soon found out that caste system is very much alive among the
Sikhs too. This made him change his mind and embraced Budhism.
While paying his tributes to Dr. Ambedkar, late Pt.Jawahar Lal
Nehru,the first prime minister of India, in his speech in the
Indian Parliament said, “ Dr.Ambedkar will be remembered
mostly as a symbol of revolt against all the oppressive features
of Hindu society. His virulent opposition to those oppressive
features had kept people’s mind awake. Although he was a
highly controversial figure he played a very constructive and
important role in making of the constitution of India and Hindu
Law Reforms. He revolted against something which everybody should
revolt against.”
STATUS OF WOMEN:-His painstaking
and pioneering work as the first law minister of free India in
the enactment of Hindu Code Bill for which he faced lot of opposition
from many quarters was an outstanding piece of legislation and
contribution in the uplift of the status of women in India.
PERSONAL MEETINGS:- It was the most thrilling
and rewarding experience of my life when I was blessed to meet
Baba Sahib in person for the first time at his residence on Alipore
Road, Delhi in January,1956 with the help of Mr.Nanak Chand Rattu,
private secretary of Baba Sahib. Thereafter , I had many opportunities
to see, talk and listen to him in person which are deeply embedded
in my memories and will carry them as a holy relic for the rest
of my life.
FUNERAL PROCESSION ( Dec. 6,1956)-
On December
6,1956 while on way to my office located right in front of Baba
Sahib’s residence I heard on All India Radio the sad news
of his sudden demise. I was among the very few who arrived first
at his residence in the early morning where I had the rare opportunity
along with five other persons to carry Baba Sahib’s mortal
body from his bed room to the main lobby for public view. A vast
sea of mourners ,thereafter, gathered at his residence to participate
in a miles-long funeral procession to the Palam airport before
flying his body to Bombay for cremation. In the end I must mention
that though the lamp which guided the destiny and showed the path
to millions groping in darkness was suddenly extinguished by the
cruel clutches of his untimely death but his contributions and
sacrifices for the unprivileged in particular and the entire Indian
society in general will live forever, adorning the pages of the
history of India and the world like a precious jewel. His crusade
for social justice will be cherished as a perpetual source of
inspiration and encouragement to fight against the forces of tyranny
and injustice for generations to come.
SOME
FAMOUS QUOTATIONS OF BABA SAHIB:-
1. “
Glory to those who would keep on their struggle for the liberation
of the enslaved in spite of heavy odds, carping humiliations,
storms and dangers till the down trodden secure their rights.”
2.
“ Whatever I have done I have been able to do after passing
through crushing miseries and endless troubles all my life in
fighting with my opponents. With difficulties I have brought this
caravan where it is seen today. Let the caravan march on despite
the hurdles that may come in its way. If my lieutenants are not
able to take the caravan ahead they should leave it there but
in no circumstances should they allow the caravan to go back.
This is the message to my people”.
3. “ Turn in any direction you like ,caste is the monster
that crosses your path. You cannot have political reform, you
cannot have economic reform unless you kill this monster”.
|
|
PASH
MARTYRDOM
DAY
REMEMBRANCE CEREMONY
(Top
left)
Dr. Amolak Singh speaking ,
(Top right)
Dr. Ronki Ram
speaking ,
(Middle)
Prof T.C. Ghai's Book Release Cermony, standing:
(left to right):
Dr. Ronki Ram,
Prof. K.K. Pathak,
Prof. T.C. Ghai,
Dr. Amolak Singh and Prof Tarsem Sagar, (Bottom left)
Dr. Ronki Ram
with Prof. T.C Ghai
author of Pash's poems
translation into English at Talwandi Salem
village (Bottom right)
Prof. T.C. Ghai with
Sant Sandhu, a friend
of Pash at their
native village
on March 23, 2010 |
Report
& Images Ambedkartimes.com Bureau
(Talwandi
Salem):- Ambedkartimes.com congratulates Prof. T.C.
Ghai for his great efforts in translating entire poetry of Avtar
Pash, one of the pioneer revolutionary Punjabi poets who in his
very young age became a house-hold name not only in his home state
but also in the entire India. In addition, he is equally popular
among the wide Punjabi Diasporas. Prof. Ghai’s translation
(Pash: A Poet of Impossible Dreams) was released at the Martyrdom
day remembrance ceremony at Pash’s native village (Talwandi
Salem). At the ceremony, Prof. Ghai dedicated his book to Bha Ji
Gursharn, a noted revolutionary activist in the domain of theatre
art in the region. Among other recipients of the book at the ceremony
were Prof. K.K. Pathak, Dr. Ronki Ram, Prof Tarsem Sagar, Sh. Sant
Sandhu and Dr. Amolak Singh. The book is published by Pash Memorial
International Trust. Prof. T.C. Ghai (Born 1937) retired from Delhi
University as an Associate Professor of English in 2002. He has
published two short novels and a Hindi translation of his short
stories, Adamboo, originally written in English. He has translated
a Punjabi poet, late Dr. Puran Singh Kanwar’s collection of
poems, Rattan Di Rut (1984), into Hindi in 2000 and English in 2006.
While
speaking at Martyrdom day remembrance ceremony at Pash’ village,
Prof Ghai said that “in the premature violent death of Pash
the Punjabi poetry has perhaps missed its own Pablo Neruda, or may
be someone even greater”. Dr. Ronki Ram said that in contemporary
times, the poetry of Pash has become rather more relevant and crucial
in dealing with general myopia of free market economy led consumerism,
and electronic media’s persistent campaign for festivities
and glamour! Dr. Amolak reiterated on the need for pro-people policies
which he lamented are nowhere to be seen in the present regime at
the state and centre level. On the occasion different theater groups
staged revolutionary plays including the famous play Aeh Lahoo Kis
da Hai by Bha Ji Gursharn theater group.
Posted on March 24, 2010 |
THINKING
PEACE IN MIDDLE EAST WITH PRESIDENT OBAMA
|
|
Prof. Autar Dhesi’s Comments On Recent
US Peace Initiatives
Published by BBC News London
Iran
Friday,2 April,2010
In an increasingly interdependent world President Barack Obama's
effort to take China on board to restrain Iran is a rational, workable
approach. The other major countries in the region like Russia, Pakistan
and India should also be involved. In case the situation becomes
very serious all of them would be adversely affected. The US has
already set a precedent in collective diplomatic approach to handle
volatile Israel-Palestine issue. The US, Russia, EEC and UN joined
hands for the first time to restrain Israel's unacceptable attitude
in the changed situation. I am sure collective approach would also
have the desired impact on Iranian public.
Afghinstan
Tuesday,12 January,2010
Tuesday, 12 January, 2010, 13:39 GMT 13:39 UK
The long suffering Afghan people deserve co-operation and sustained
support of all well meaning people to have an enduring, open, democratic
dispensation. It is not surprising to find that they are becoming
confident by the day This should also contribute to securing peace
in the region. My only fear is that President Obama may not leave
the task unfinished due to domestic pressure just before the next
presidential elections.
The valiant Afghans can take care of their problems with experience.
Wednesday, 17 February, 2010, 13:34 GMT 13:34 UK
The situation in Afganistan is certainly very complex.The military
action can be expected to lead to meaningful ,sustainable results
only if it is accompanied by actions to ensure social and economic
development in cooperation with major countries of the region. However,successful
military action is a necessary condtion for other policies to succeed.
In the final analysis it is only the capacity of Afgans to manage
their affairs in an open democratic set up would ensure peace.and
prosperity. .
Monday, 29 Mar 2010
President Obama's surprise visit to Afghanistan is indication of
his firm commitment to secure enduring peace in the region. What
is more interesting is his forthright message to Afghan President
Hamid Karzai to root out corruption in the system and break the
nexus between drug trade and militancy. His visit should also boost
the morale of forces fighting against militants.
His initiative to get the stalled negotiations between Israel and
Palestine going also shows his earnestness to secure permanent peace
in entire region. His heart and head are at the right place. All
the well meaning people of the world should support his efforts.
Postscript
I am sure President Hamid Karzai fully understands the gravity of
the situation .Sooner he gets on with very difficult task of cleansing
the system better it is for him personally as well as the society.
No diversionary rhetoric would serve any purpose. I wish him good
luck that he needs most at present.
Israel
Tuesday,09March,2010
Given the will, nothing is impossible . Many historical complex
situations have been sorted out over the years. The most recent
example is the case of Northern Ireland. However, it requires a
lot of patience to sort out the intricate issues. The US is the
only country that can steer negotiations for some acceptable solution
. This would help in securing peace not only in the Middle East
but also in Afghanistan.
The US initiative would have explicit or implicit support of world’s
all well meaning people including those in Israel and Palestine.
Let us not forget that they have a lot of things in common. A lasting
solution will benefit both. Good luck
Thurday,18 March,2010
Israeli provocation could have been avoided in the interest of reaching
a lasting agreement on the vexed historical issue. Now it is time
for other countries, especially European Union, to back the US initiative.
Israel is too closely allied with the US to overlook the latter's
concerns for peace in the region. As I wrote in my previous comments,
US is the only country that can steer negotiations to some acceptable
lasting solution. I am sure Israel fully understands it.
Postscript
I was in Israel during summer of 1966 for six weeks as a member
of Student Group from Universities of Cambridge, Oxford, London
and Leeds. The study tour was partially financed by an educational
trust in London, headed by Labour leader Anthony Greenwood. I joined
University of Surrey later in the year. We were taken around all
over the country in two coaches and were given ample opportunities
to interact with different sections of the society. The driver of
the coach, I was in, was an air force pilot. He gave us informally
a good briefing about the security environment. It was not difficult
for us to anticipate some sort of conflict between Israel and the
neighboring Arab countries except Lebanon in the near future. At
Surrey, I shared my assessment of the situation and of the likely
outcome of conflict if it took place with others. To my utter surprise,
my assessment turned out to be more accurate than I expected, when
conflict actually took place in 1967. After that our teacher of
international relations, Dr Otto Pick, encouraged me to share my
assessment of some other similar situations in the class. A lot
of water has flowed since then. The field for interplay of nations
has changed, so have rules of the game. Israel's earlier approach
in the changed circumstances is untenable. The world Jewish fraternity
is too sophisticated and intelligent to overlook implications of
emerging multipolar world. However, a lot of water has flowed under
the London Bridge since then. The field for interplay of nations
has undergone drastic changes.
Consequently, rules of the game have also changed. For the first
time, the US, Russia, EEC and the United Nations collectively tried
restrain Israel's cavalier approach to Palestine issue on The world
Jewish fraternity is far too intelligent and sophisticated to ignore
its implications.
Posted on April 4, 2010 |
CRISIS
OF GOVERNANCE:
NEED FOR CITIZEN-CENTRIC POLITICS |
Dr.
Pramod Kumar
Director Institute for Development
and Communication, (IDC) |
Ambedkartimes.com
is pleased to publish an article entitled “CRISIS OF
GOVERNANCE” written by Dr. Pramod Kumar (Director Institute
for Development and Communication, (IDC). Dr.
Pramod Kumar was introduced to Ambedkartimes.com by
Dr. Ronki Ram (Chairperson Department of Political Science
Punjab University, Chandigarh , India ). Wethank him for introducing
us with this well known personality from Punjab (India). Ambedkartimes.com
welcomes Dr. Pramod Kumar.
Prem Chumber
Editor: Ambedkartimes.com |
| |
Governments
do not seek participation of the citizens in decision-making,
but claim to provide for the welfare of population. This made
governance less a matter of politics and more of administrative
policy. The main element of this has been the government’s
lack of trust in the common person, who has to submit affidavits
at every step. |
There is
a crisis of governance. This crisis is not because debts are mounting
especially when the states have abdicated most of their development
functions? It is also not that one-third of the world poor are surviving
in India. It is also not that corruption has become institutionalized.
It is also not that the prices are skyrocketing. It is all this,
but above all, what is really worrisome is the manner in which these
crises are being resolved.
These are liberating times – after a struggle
of 60 years, the governance models have been unleashed, the states
have abdicated their responsibility to provide the citizens a dignified
living. Under the banner of Private-Public Partnership (PPP), public
resources are leveraged in favour of private profit. People are
asked to mind their own health and subsidies are given to private
hospitals. And, they are asked to pay for life-saving services even
if they do not have the opportunities to earn a livelihood. The
message is that the people should mind their own health as the task
of nation-building is being outsourced to the private initiatives.
There is also a strong desire in the government
to liberate itself from the burden of providing social security
and subsidies to the people. However, doles have become a currency
to buy votes of the misery-stricken electorates. Number of dole-oriented
programmes are being implemented to integrate poverty-stricken people
into economic development which is euphemistically called inclusive
growth. This inclusive growth, may have drawn its inspiration from
the well-known economist Joan Robinson’s incisive observation
that ‘There is only one thing that is worse than being exploited
by capitalists. And that is not being exploited by capitalists.’
Here comes the flagship programme NREGA providing employment to
the rural poor for 100 days in a year. Is it not this kind of integration
of the poor into the capitalist development has has legitimised
‘dole giving and dole receiving mindset’ thereby reinforcing
the existing non-performing system of justice delivery. These policies
no doubt, have ensured safe passage for “plundering rotating
governments”.
And, the civil society has also liberated itself
from the burden of launching protest movements to transform or reform
the system. That is notwithstanding their media-driven ad-hoc noises
to bring to justice the individual violators.
2
There is a need is to rejuvenate governance. Because some of the
rules have become either redundant or inappropriate or violative
of the rights of the common people. Or, there may be asymmetry of
information, perverse incentives and high transaction costs.
The governments do not seek participation of the
citizens in decision-making, but claim to provide for the welfare
of population. This made governance less a matter of politics and
more of administrative policy. The main element of this has been
mistrust in the common person. It can be exemplified in a number
of ways, but the most visible is the filing of affidavits for almost
every interaction with the government.
These affidavits are required in support of the
facts given by the applicants for availing various services provided
by the government. In other words, these are affirmations by the
applicants supported by third parties in some cases. These affidavits
in most of the cases are given on legal papers sworn before a Magistrate
or the public notary. For instance, affidavits are even required
for public utilities such as new connections for electricity, sewerage
and water supply. This has added to the citizen’s harassment
and corruption.
It is, therefore, urgent to discontinue the practice
and replace it with self-declaration, a step towards bestowing full
citizenship on the colonial subjects. And, similar approach needs
to be adopted by discontinuing verification from the public officials.
There is a need to bring about a change in the processes, procedures,
rules, regulations and policies relating to affidavits, residence,
birth and death, marriage, SC and BC income certificates and urban
civic services such as construction, water and sewerage connections,
revenue etc.
A major casualty of this is the citizen-centric
democratic governance. Recently, a system of tracking the pregnant
women for prohibiting them from seeking sex selection tests to abort
a female foetus has been introduced. As this is violative of the
privacy of the citizen, can provide license to those who treat women
as commodities. It will be more prudent to enforce law on the supply
side i.e. on private and public sector medical practitioners and,
on the demand side, attempts be made to enhance the value of the
girl child, launch awareness campaigns, activise civil society organisations
and ensure tracking of the girl child through her life cycle from
birth to death and interweave incentive-oriented schemes with a
view to checking not only female foeticide, but also emphasise the
cultural neglect.
Interestingly, governance having become a prisoner
of the administrative structure, any political statement is seen
as interference. This political interference which has become an
accepted part of the political culture (not only in Punjab, but
in many other states also) has produced glaring distortions in the
practice of governance, particularly, in administrative recruitments,
postings, transfers, allocation and allotment of works, service
delivery etc., leading to the dilution of hierarchy, dysfunctional
internal accountability mechanisms and patronage-centric governance.
To illustrate, the average tenure in 2009 of SHO is around six months,
which was about seven months in 2004. In the case of Deputy Superintendent,
the same is ten months and one year for the District Police Chief.
The tenure of the police personnel have to be fixed as per the Police
Act and a performance audit report may be considered as the basis
for effecting transfers and postings. This alongwith other institutionalised
changes in the police practices like registration of crime, fair
investigation, transparent performance audit, complaint system against
the police functionaries for
3 ensuring accountable policing, shall help to mitigate harassment
and corruption in the police delivery system. The bigger challenge
is to break the nexus between the police and politics as both have
risen above law.
GOVERNANCE REFORMS: GOVERNANCE FIX AND NOT FISCAL
FIX
The governance crisis is holistic. A fragmented
diagnosis produces a tunnel vision. Consequently, remedies to social
problems are provided in a segmented and ad-hoc manner. Since administration
is compartmentalized in the departments and each department has
its own priority, if a particular department’s priorities
take precedence over the other that is likely to lead to dissonance
within the system. There is no dearth of examples to drive home
this point. In 2004-05, the then Punjab Department of Finance in
its overactive commitment to impose fiscal management came out with
a scheme to contract untrained ‘teachers’ from the same
village to cut government expenditure. As a result, the quality
of teaching further deteriorated and, later, all the contractual
‘teachers’ launched protest and demanded to be trained
as teachers and their services regularised. This scheme was spearheaded
by fiscal management framework rather than providing access to equity
concern in quality education.
No doubt, most of the states including the central
government are facing a fiscal crisis. In other words, the expenditure
of the governments is more than the revenue generated. Within increased
deficit, public expenditure on social development, needed most by
the poor, has been declining in the last 25 years in Punjab. A perusal
of the state expenditure pattern on social development makes this
point crystal clear. The expenditure on social development in Punjab
including health declined from 66 per cent in the early eighties
to 40 per cent. And, livelihood needs do not find any reference
in the public finance management drive. Why is it then that the
expenditure is multiplying while the governments have abdicated
their function to provide employment, public education and health
facilities to the people. The need is to reprioritise the expenditure
pattern to respond to the requirements of the people who do not
have the means. Further, the trends in the last 25 years have shown
that the expenditure on the salaries of the public sector employees
has declined. At least it would not be fair to blame the government
staff for the state’s bad fiscal health. They can, however,
be charged for inefficiency and corruption, but for that you do
not require fiscal fix, but governance fix. Similarly, to improve
tax collection in Punjab which is perhaps the lowest amongst the
other developed states, the need is to rejuvenate governance. There
is also an urgent need to rationalise subsidies. Most of the subsidies
to the poor are given as doles. To illustrate, the social security
programmes like Pensions and Shagun are given as doles to a large
section of the ineligible population. This has become a practice
with successive governments. Consequently, it leads to wastage.
Not only this, the doles given to protect profits (industrial interests)
are presented as rescue packages.
In fact, there is an emergent need to evolve disaggregate
deprivation-based schemes for groups and individual beneficiaries.
There are groups or individuals who may be high on education, but
low on health and income, or, alternatively, high on income but
low on education and health etc. No doubt, subsidies are essential
for enhancing productivity as
4 also equity being an integral component of the capitalist development.
But subsidies must not be given as doles.
Another distortion in governance is that each institution,
be it civil administration, police or judiciary, is overactive in
correcting the manifest distortions in other institutions rather
than performing its own assigned role. (To illustrate, in Punjab,
in the eighties, when the political process produced crisis, an
overactive administration armed itself with TADA. In view of the
failure of administration , the police was unleashed). When the
police produced a bigger crisis, the judiciary was unleashed. These
overactive institutions produced distortions similar or even worse
and also prevented the forces and factors behind these distortions
from coming to surface. As such, it should be understood that if
the civil administration becomes non-functional, the remedy is not
to unleash the police. The remedy must be sought to make the same
functional. For example, if there is a leakage in the revenue collection,
the chemists are trading in illegal drugs and the functionaries
are indulging in corruption, the remedy should not be seen in resorting
to policing. It is possible that the revenues may increase, and
so will the extortions. But the damage caused to the system shall
be irreparable. The tendency to empower the institutions with ad
hoc license has a clear message i.e. killing poison with poison
and letting the patient die. This has made governance less a matter
of politics, more of an administrative policy and the discretionary
political interference.
It is high time that the civil society was closely
engaged in governance and the people on the margins were granted
a dignified livelihood, harassment-free and non-discriminatory services
by enhancing the role of the public sector in social development.
Posted on Febuary 08, 2010
|

Celebrating
Dhamma Chakka Parivartan Diwas in Hungary
By Pardeep Singh Attri
|
When a senior Indian embassy official in Hungary
is invited in a programme celebrating one of the historic national
event of 20th century India, he speaks on every thing under the
sun except on the event and fails to utter a single word on the
most important figure involved with that particular event and his
life and struggles.
“I tell you, religion is for man and not
man for religion. If you want to organize, consolidate and successful
in this world, change this (Hindu) religion” – Dr. B.
R. Ambedkar
Dhamma Chakka Parivartan means ’setting in
motion the wheel of Dhamma’ andDiwas means ‘Day’.
This is the day to refresh our memories of the very first sermon
given by Buddha to his five disciples at Sarnath. Also on 14th October,
1956, Babasaheb Ambedkar took diksha in Buddhism along with more
than half a million people leaving behind the caste-virus of Hinduism.
Traces of Buddhism in Hungary can be found since 15th century (it’s
around the same time when gypsies/romas migrated from Balkan regions
of India, so it can be possible Buddhism here in Hungary may have
been brought by these gypsies/romas). There are few scholars in
Hungary who believe that name of the capital Budapest is derived
from the word Buddha. As in 19th century there were two cities Buda
and Pest, on both sides (east and west) of River Duna. The city
of Buda being somewhat hilly, scholars believe there may have stood
a lama monastery, Stupa or Buddha statue from which the name “Buda”
is derived. “Past or “Pest” is a Persian word
meaning “low”. It expresses the topographical relation
between Buda and Pest. “Lower-of-Buda, Lower-of-Gompa1”
= Budapest. 2
In Hungary, contemporary Buddhism is new to Romas. Total Buddhist
population of Hungary is about 15,000. Romas of village Sajokaza
(population around 3300) came to know about Babasaheb Ambedkar and
Buddha due to the efforts of Jai Bhim Network, that is working here
from last 3 years. It was decided by Derdak Tibor, Janos and others
of the Network that this time they’ll celebrate “Dhamma
Chakka Parivartan Diwas” on 14th October to commemorate Dr.
Ambedkar’s conversion to Buddhism. Earlier, the Network had
also organised an event on Poona Pact on 24 September, 2007.
The preparations for the celebration of Dhamma Chakka Parivartan
Diwas started from 1st October, 2009 onwards and there was lot of
excitement in local Roma community, especially among the students
about the event. So as to fulfill the curiosity of students of school
I visited “Ozd School” twice and talked with the students
about Buddhism, Dr Ambedkar, what all five colors of Buddhist flag
means (Blue- Faith, Yellow- Holiness, Red- Wisdom, White- Purity
and Orange- No Desire) and Diskhabhoomi, Nagpur etc.
Together with Janos, Tibor, Benu, Bharat, Katlin, we prepared the
schedule of the events to take place during the celebration to be
held on 14th October. We then decided to invite people from Indian
Embassy as well as from Hungarian Education Ministry for the programme.
In this regard on 5th October, Bharat and Janos went and met Mr.
V. V. Mohan, Second Secretary of Indian Embassy and personally hand
over the invitation.
Apart from various speeches by the network activists on Buddhism,
we also planned for Buddha Vandana, a Buddhist play by Lazi Monika,
Benu and Anna. I was also asked to deliver a lecture on ‘Buddhism
and Dr Ambedkar in India’. We decided to end the celebration
by a cultural programme followed by the movie on Babasaheb Ambedkar.
For this whole event, we booked the ‘cultural house’
of Sajókaza.
Finally the much awaited day came, Mr. V.V. Mohan along with one
of his colleague arrived at around 11am. At that time, all of us
were busy in cooking food for 150 people. However, some of us welcomed
Mr. Mohan and discussed about Jai Bhim Network’s activities
and later took him to various Roma settlements of nearby areas.
In the afternoon, around 2 pm, we started our program with around
150 people in attendance. The other dignitaries that graced the
function were Soltesz Lojosne (vice-mayor of Sajókaza) and
Belik Istvan (member, local governing council). Five of us inaugurated
the function by reciting Buddha Vandana on the stage followed by
the welcome speech delivered by the senior activist Janos.
Then Mr V.V. Mohan was invited to speak and share
his views, which he did by talking about India and the activities
of Jai Bhim Network. However, what surprised me the most in his
speech was that Mr. Mohan, speaking in the event on Dr. Ambedkar’s
historic conversion to Buddhism, failed to utter a single word about
Buddhism and Babasaheb Ambedkar. I am amazed at the audacity and
stubbornness of caste-Indian psyche on maintaining a silence at
all cost on Babasaheb Ambedkar and Buddhism. After that Derdak Tibor
spoke about the importance of Buddhism and Dr Ambedkar, how he converted
to Buddhism, necessity of Buddhism in present life etc. Then, women
congregation took place and they sang Roma songs. Then came my turn
to speak on importance of Buddhism and Babasaheb in Indian context.
Initially, I was bit nervous due to my stage fear as this was only
the second such opportunity for me, to speak before the gathering,
the first being in Nagpur last year. But then, Derdak Tibor being
my interpreter brought me some relief and I was able to talk about
the life and struggle of Babasaheb, about untouchability in India,
importance of Buddhism and the role of Buddhism in empowering the
whole Dalit community in the country. I also told the audience about
a study that found out that people embracing Buddhism doing much
better than those Dalits who have not yet converted.
At the end of the programme one of the Network activists Benu thanked
everyone and distributed gifts to children among the audience. We
also handed over Babasaheb Ambedkar’s pictures, Jai Bhim bands,
Buddhist bracelets, books etc to Jai Bhim Network that we brought
from India. It was around 5pm and the programme was concluded after
serving delicious food to all participants.
After two hours we again gathered at the same venue for showing
the movie on Dr Ambedkar but before that we gave a brief introduction
to the movie, being translated by another Roma activist Katlin.
We also featured a short movie ‘Pay Back to Society’
directed by our friend Saurav Arya and ended the programme by reciting
22 vows of Dr Ambedkar, being translated in Hungarian language and
suited to Hungarian context by Derdak Tibor. The response to the
event was very warm and welcoming by the whole Roma community.
Posted on December 18,
2009
|
|
Ambedkar and the Post-Ambedkar Dalit Intellectuals
Harish K. Puri
Ambedkartimes.com is pleased to publish an article entitled “Ambedkar and the Post-Ambedkar Dalit Intellectuals” written by Dr. Harish K. Puri. Professor Puri was introduced to Ambedkartimes.com by Dr. Ronki Ram (Chairperson Department of Political Science Punjab University, Chandigarh , India ). We thank him for introducing us with this well known personality from Punjab ( India ). Ambedkartimes.com welcomes Professor Harish K. Puri.
Editor: Ambedkartimes.com |
Desperate beatings on the drums of an imagined upper-caste past will produce no long-lasting victories. Gail Omvedt (Dalit Visions 1995:103)
The Dalit’s dogmatism about Ambedkar and his thoughts and philosophy may bring some immediate gains but may prove to be fatal in the long run for both the expansion of his ideas and philosophy and their own interests to be pursued through that.
Nandu Ram (Beyond Ambedkar 1995:80-81)
Are Brahmins still our Shatrus? . . . I very deeply felt that the thinking Dalit has somehow become a prisoner of the past, and for any successful battle of emancipation, the emancipators themselves must emancipate first
Chandra Bhan Prasad (The Pioneer 20.7.2003)
The consciousness and attitude of Dalit movements appears to have been frozen at its birth. It needs to recognise that the post independence reality presents a far more intricate complexity than in colonial times.
Anand Teltumbde (“Theorising the Dalit Movement”: 2000:27)
Dr Ambedkar is misunderstood on two crucial counts. One that he was merely a leader of Dalits, and two that he was anti- communist.
If others look down on me in their belief that my caste is low, it is their problem, not mine. I certainly don’t need to torment myself over it. I pity them, for they are the victims of their own obsolete prejudices. . . . Dignity, after all rests in the mind and heart . . . and soul. I have to reclaim it not from outside, but from within. And for that I must cut off the albatross of the caste system from my soul, once and for all.
Narendra Jadhav (Outcaste, 214)
The truth is that there are too many so- called leaders of Dalits who have actually betrayed Dalit interests.
Gopal Guru
The observations cited above point to the ferment among the Dalit intellectuals – the growing children of Ambedkar--- who were apparently dissatisfied with the course of Post-Ambedkar Dalit movement and searched for a clear direction of Dalit struggle for their emancipation. They looked up to Ambedkar for wisdom and direction. The challenges in the present context were different from those that Ambedkar had grappled with. His assessments and priorities changed, sometimes radically. Anand Teltumbde, in his book Ambedkar In and For the Post-Ambedkar Dalit Movement, for example, recalled Professor Upendra Baxi’s question, which he raised 14 years ago at the Ambedkar Birth Centenary celebration. There were many Ambedkars, wrote Baxi, and asked as to “which Ambedkar do we commemorate”? Teltumbde referred to the ambivalence reflected in Ambedkar’s sayings and doings. This, according to him, provided to the Dalit activists the scope to construct a variety of icons of Ambedkar and to interpret his teachings in a manner suitable to their own political agendas. There are among the Dalit intellectuals today clear signs of a critical review of their earlier positions in the light of the changed social and political reality. A call to move “from the abstract to the concrete” was, for example, raised strongly by Chandra Bhan Prasad. “The Issue for an intellectual”, as he argued, “is to balance the abstract by the force of the concrete”.( ) The participation of many in the Durban Conference and the World Social Summit seems to have made a considerable difference to the thinking of India ’s Dalit intellectuals. Their exposure to different kinds of struggles being waged by the oppressed people around the world and to the new kinds of challenges emerging in the wake of globalisation and liberalisation encouraged new thinking.
One such evidence comes from the ‘Bhopal Dalit Document’ of 2002 that emerged from the long discussions among a galaxy of Dalit intellectuals and activists representing diverse shades of opinion. On the agenda was Dalit response to the new openings and the challenges posed by the forces of international capitalism on the one hand and by the sectarian and revivalist agenda of the protagonists of Hindutva, on the other. This document makes a resolve to liberate the Dalit imagination from the stranglehold of some of the major and passionately held ideas about objectives and strategy of Dalit emancipation. It called for a serious review of the developments during the last 50 years. There was almost a consensus on the fact that Dalit bureaucrats and political leaders failed to make themselves into a social capital unlike those of the upper castes. One of the significant developments was the resolve not to remain tied to the discourse of “job–reservations”. The document asked for state intervention to ensure the de-casteisation of the economy, so that Dalits could become active players in the market. It was pleaded that private sector corporations in India should introduce “diversity principle” on the “American Model” to reserve a share of jobs for Dalits. There are problems with the impulse underlying the Bhopal Declaration and some of its assumptions, which we would discuss shortly. But one thing is prominent. There is serious effort to explore new ways of safeguarding and promoting Dalit interests. The new churning among the Dalit intellectuals also brought up the differences in their assessment of the past struggles of Dalits and about the vision and the strategy of action for the future. And these differences were sometimes sharp. That is a measure of the maturing of the thinking children of Ambedkar. Pride in Ambedkar’s legacy and gratitude towards his contribution became in this exercise a legitimate ground for “redefining Ambedkar”, understanding his core impulses and ideas, and for going beyond Ambedkar.
Babasaheb Ambedkar enjoyed an exceptional honour and love, as a liberator, among the Dalits. As Prasad put it, he was for the Dalit multitude a Prophet or “Christ plus”. No single leader, in the recent history of India , cared and did for them so much with love as he did to the transformation of the world of Dalits -–- in their perception of their self-worth and their destiny. Thanks to his vigorous and multi-dimensional efforts, the Dalits are today far more confident of themselves; they are far more politically conscious and assertive about their rights and about the need for struggle against oppression and exploitation than ever before. In fact, Ambedkar is perhaps the only one amongst the national leaders of India who seems to have grown immensely in his stature after his death, even among the non- Dalits.
The political priorities of Ambedkar and the interventions he made were, however, the responses to the problems he faced and the opportunities available to him in the specific historical conditions of his times. He launched a number of different kinds of struggles and established a variety of organisations. He was no less involved in working out an ideal philosophy of life. He grew with times and changed programmes and tactics accordingly. His prolific writings covered a wide range. But his primary concerns during the last years of his life were two. One was the project of establishing such institutions, rules and norms as would end untouchability and exploitation of his people and enable them to claim their rights to liberty, equality and human dignity. The second was the creation of a sensitive and civilised society in which there is a climate of fraternity. One of the most significant of his contributions for that purpose was the framing of the Constitutional Law of India. He had great faith in the rule of law. Given the clearly laid down objectives of the Constitution and the Directive Principals of the state policy, he had hoped (despite apprehensions to the contrary) that the state would be able to create the conditions necessary for social justice. Unfortunately, the apprehensions came to be true. The Indian state largely failed in fulfilling its constitutional obligations of social justice and the Indian people together failed in creating a civilised or caring society, where fraternity is possible.
Regarding how the intellectuals assessed the overall thrust of the state’s developmental and affirmative actions and its impact on the Dalits there were sharp differences among them. Some of them thought that such intervention by the state had, instead of empowering the Dalits, contributed to their subordination to a patronizing system. That point of view has been well articulated by S. P. Punalekar, himself a non-dalit. While there is a recognition of the improvement made in the conditions of life of the Dalits it was viewed as a process which had, by giving to the small upwardly mobile section a few opportunities of personal advancement and a nominal share in political power divided the dalits. They distanced themselves from the vast section of their fellows. For the mass of dalits it created a situation of relative deprivation, making them to aspire for what the elites gained and tying them to a system of looking for benefits from above. ( ) Gopal Guru moved beyond this by looking at it as a negative process. According to him, the advancement of some sections, which facilitated their co-option and which trapped the Dalits in a “mobility syndrome”, contributed to a negative consciousness of looking for incremental improvement. The reduction of “absolute deprivation into relative deprivation” had the consequence of atomisation of an individual which “denies any community a collectively critical subversive consciousness”. (EPW April 3, 1993)
Anand Teltumbde largely agreed with Guru’s perception that such consciousness ‘emasculated’ the Dalits and denuded them of the revolutionary consciousness. Incremental change and improvement seemed to them to be counter-productive and harmful to their liberation. In a fundamental sense, the changes that occurred during the last fifty years of development and change had, according to them, further harmed and weakened them. In fact they tended to give the impression that absolute deprivation of the Dalits might have been better because that would have prepared them for bringing about a revolutionary transformation of society. One could recall how some of our Leninist or communist activists used to look for signs of the sharpening of class contradictions for the revolution to happen. Kancha Ilaiah, on the other hand, did not think much of “relative deprivation”. He believed that “Post-independent India has not given the Dalit-Bahujans anything except a saga of atrocities”. (The Pioneer January 30, 2000 )
Many intellectuals and perhaps a vast majority of Dalits, on the other hand, appeared to appreciate, howsoever grudgingly, the difference made in their lives, and were grateful to Babasaheb Ambedkar for making that possible through the Constitution. That was in spite of the sense of betrayal and anger over the state’s failure. In fact, most of today’s Dalit intellectuals are the product largely of state interventions --- ‘reservations’, education, and schemes designed for welfare of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes etc. The respect the Dalits had for ‘Babasaheb Ambedkar’s Constitution’ was evident when the NDA government initiated a review of the Constitution. No other section of society felt so incensed and angry, as the Dalits did, over the suspected “design to mutilate” the Constitution made by Ambedkar.
The overall changes in the country’s economy and society also made an impact on Dalit life. The end of jajmani relations, for example, helped in their liberation in the rural areas. A large section of Dalits moved away from the traditional caste-based occupations. It is correct that the Dalits still constitute the main strata below the poverty line and that caste discrimination and oppression of Dalits is very widely prevalent. Practices, such as those of the ‘two glasses’ system or separate cremation grounds persist in many parts of India, in violation of the law. The Dalits as a community continued to be more vulnerable to atrocities than others. The oppressors and criminals, both upper caste and OBCs, routinely succeeded in securing greater protection of the law and the civil society against the victims. But the practice of ‘untouchability’ has become an evil which could be referred to only in the past-tense. No social or political platform in India can today advocates or defends the injunctions of Manusmriti or the Varnashram, and still remains respectable or goes unchallenged. Over four million were employed in government or other public sector jobs. Chandra Bhan Prasad, for instance, argued in a article,
Now there are one million dalits with pucca houses, electricity, water supply, clean jobs, Television, fridge, scooter/car better colonies against only a few hundred of that kind in 1950. . . Can we not aspire to make the number 10 million and focus on education and self –employment for Dalits?
It was no small change that for the first time in history it was possible for a Dalit to be the President of India and another to be the Chief Minister of the biggest state in India . The Dalits have come to recognise their importance and stake in the electoral democracy. Each political party would like to woo them . None of these dare to take a position on public issues that was inimical to the interests of Dalits. Though their representation is still rather meagre, we can find some presence of Dalits in practically all public institutions and occupations. What is more significant, the Dalits would not, any more, take insults without resistance or retaliation. And in their struggle against oppression they were no more friendless.
There were other changes in the overall environment which effected the options available to them at present. It is a long time, for example, since the Indians turned their backs on Gandhian Ram Rajya, which Ambedkar ridiculed as conservative and obscurantist. The modernist Ambedkar and his advocacy of a social and political order, based on liberty, equality, fraternity, and human dignity, has today a much wider constituency of supporters across barriers of caste, religion and even nationality. On the other hand, the faith in Nehru’s “socialist pattern of society or Ambedkar’s “state socialism” seems to be loosing out to the call for privatisation and free market. There is a crisis of welfare state and the state is fast withdrawing from its basic obligations of providing education, drinking water and medical facilities, or of prevention of disease and multiple kinds of pollution. The declining ability of the state to provide good governance hits the weakest and the poorest i.e. the Dalits, the most. The Dalit intellectuals are faced with a new context and new kind of challenges. That required critical rethinking on the worth of the achievements in the past, the vision for the future and strategy for the present
A number of questions have been raised during the last decade or so by a fairly large number of Dalit intellectuals such as Narinder Jadhav, Nandu Ram, Anand Teltumbde, Chandra Bhan Prasad, S P Punalekar, Gopal Guru, Gail Omvedt and Kancha Ilaiah. Besides the theoretical and other academic contributions made by scholars in publications and in presentations at conferences and seminars, there was evidence of wide participation in debates on a rich variety of relevant issues in popular magazines like the Dalit Voice, Pal Pratipal, Yuddhrat Aam Aadmi, and web magzines like www.ambedkar.org and www.dalitstan.org.
One of the major issues related to the Dalit response to the ideology and forces of liberalisation and globalisation. There was an urge to understand what course of action and priorities would Ambedkar have followed in the present conditions of liberalisation. Many of Ambedkar’s followers were shocked when Narendra Jadhav observed that Ambedkar would have supported liberalisation; that he was in favour of material prosperity, private property and an open economy. Jadhav saw in globalisation and liberalisation new kinds of openings for Dalit emancipation. As the Principal Economic Advisor on Analysis and Policy in the Reserve Bank of India , he was one of the trained economists and one of the highest officers among Dalits. His credentials as a neo-Buddhist Ambedkarite were impeccable. His published biographical family history, Outcaste, created waves in many parts of the world, as an outstanding contribution to literature on Dalits. His observations could not be ignored lightly; not by Dalit intellectuals. No less important was the view of Gail Omvedt in this regard, even though she was shocked when Jadhav stated 15 years ago that Ambedkar would have favoured devaluation of the rupee. (1999: 275) On the other hand, some of the other well-known Dalit economists such as S K Thorat and Anand Teltumbde, disagreed with such an interpretation of Ambedkar and regarded liberalisation as a grave threat which may harm the Dalits the most. In fact, as Omvedt discovered, there was great confusion about Ambedkar’s economic theory. Part of the reason lay in his strongly propagated idea of “Brahminism and Capitalism” being the two enemies of Dalits. His advocacy of “state socialism”, including nationalisation of land and industry, has been a part of Dalit imagination of Ambedkar’s radical agenda. It was believed that Ambedkar was opposed to private agricultural property. In a recent issue of the Ambedkarite weekly paper Bheem Patrika, for example, a saying of Ambedkar about private property was published prominently as under.
If a murderer can be killed because he has killed a citizen, if a soldier can be killed in war because he belongs to a hostile nation; why cannot a property owner be killed if his ownership leads to misery for the rest of humanity. There is no reason to make an exception in favour of the property owner, why one should regard property as sacrosanct. (No.45 November 2004 (1) p. 2)
To deal with the confusion, Gail Omvedt tried to look closely at Ambedkar’s economic theory. She discovered a distinct shift in Ambedkar’s thinking during the last few years of his life. In his Buddha or Karl Marx, Ambedkar had articulated a distinctly new perspective, wherein he “rejects” state socialism, and nationalisation and turned to Buddhism as the “solution” to “economic exploitation”. He called it a “moral economy” solution. The distinct superiority of Buddhism over Christianity, as he argued, lay “precisely” in its rejection of Christian values of poverty and other-worldliness: “There is no Sermon on the Mount to be found in Buddha’s teachings. His teaching is to acquire wealth”.
Ambedkar cited Buddha’s sermon to his disciple Ananthapindika.
The disciple asked, “ will the Enlightened One tell what things are welcome, pleasant, agreeable to the householder but which are hard to gain?
The Enlightened One having heard the question put to him said ,
“ Of such things the first is to acquire wealth lawfully’.
“ The second is to see that your relations also get their wealth lawfully”.
“ The third is to live long and reach great age” . . .
Ambedkar, accordingly argued that,
“to acquire wealth legitimately and justly, earned by great industry, amassed by strength of the arm and gained by the sweat of the brow is a great blessing”. (text in Rodrigues 2002: 188, also Omvedt, op.cit.)
He stopped talking of socialism and instead talked in terms of an ideal of “abundance and wealth accumulation”. Ambedkar’s faith in Western liberalism and perhaps the Fabian influence contained in the word “lawfully” speaks of an innocence. After all the British colonial expropriation was followed according to their laws as much the practice of apartheid in south Africa; and the Morgans, the Fords and MNCs of today like Wall-Mart operated lawfully. Omvedt, however, thought that the above mentioned shift in Ambedkar thinking “presents some alternatives that will make both market and state work for the good of the people”. But she was not sure whether Ambedkar would have opposed privatisation or supported liberalisation. Most likely, as she believed, he “would have been pragmatic, looking for a combination of state, market and community”. (1999 : 284) She apparently looked for greater hope and opportunities for Dalits in the age of liberalisation. Many of the Dalit intellectuals who apparently felt more concerned about the Dalit poor, however, chose to ignore the later Ambedkar’s economic ideas. Or may be they were not well aware of the shift in his position? In any case, they preferred to rally the pre–1948 state-socialist Ambedkar to the support of their arguments and agenda. Ambedkar, therefore, served as the guiding prophet for the two opposing positions on liberalisation. The effort of enlisting his support for the new ideology of lawful freedom for money-making, as the route to good future for Dalits, is however, more likely than not, going to be an illusion.
Closely connected to the above was the issue of the character of the state in general and the Indian state in particular and the capacity of the Indian state to regulate, if not control, the operation of the market in favour of social justice. As the maker of the Constitution and during his days as Law Minister he appeared to have reposed great faith in the role and capacity of the state as an agency of social and economic transformation. His apparently well thought ideas formed part of the Memorandum of March 1947 which he submitted to the Constituent Assembly, on behalf of the Scheduled Caste Federation. In that Memorandum, which was published as The States and Minorities, he observed that basic industries shall be owned by the State and that
Insurance shall be a monopoly of the State. Agriculture shall be a State industry. Land will belong to the State and shall be let out to villagers without distinction of caste or creed and in such a manner that there will be no landlord, no tenant and no landless labourer
(Cited from Keer: 1995:391)
Teltumbde believed that even though Ambedkar’s thinking about state reflected some amount of autonomy from the hegemony of the ruling class, “his conception of the state is largely idealist”. The idea of class character of the state and the limits of state action vis a vis the ruling class-caste interests and the ruling custom and morality did not seem to be intrinsic to Ambedkar’s thinking. If things went wrong and the state failed in its obligations, it would only be so because “man was vile”, not because of the character of the state system or the structure of community power.
The consensus among the Dalit intellectuals and activists at the Bhopal Conference was, in the manner of the socialist Ambedkar of 1947-50, in favour of high expectations from the state and its command over the economy. The conference recognised that the reluctantly agreed social consensus at the time of independence had “by and large broken down”. There was agreement on the point that the system of discrimination and exclusion remained deeply entrenched in the civil society. However, they were evidently inclined to hope that the state may be forced to pursue a more proactive agenda for “redeeming the pledges of the founding fathers of the Republic to do justice to the Dalits”. Accordingly, practically each one of the “21-Point Action Agenda For the 21 st Century” spelled out concretely what the state must do. Interestingly, as Aditya Nigam points out, the relevant chapter of the draft of “Bhopal Document” contained a passionate call that
Every walk of life in India should be subjected to rigid state control till society attains civility and social democracy matures.
Nigam correctly observed that it was “contrary to all social scientific sense”, that the state may be regarded as the embodiment of social reform and as the guarantor against the discriminatory practices of the economic forces and the ‘civil society’. (EPW March 30, 2002 : 1192) And that too, at a time when the state appeared to be all set to go into the service of the free market and prepared to wash its hands off its basic social obligations.
The present time is distinctly different from that of the early post-independence period of “consensus” regarding the transformational and social welfare role of the state. Even at that time, however, Ambedkar’s frustration came within one year of the Republic, when he talked of burning the Constitution. That was, followed by his resignation from the cabinet over the Hindu Code Bill. It seemed, in retrospect, that the feeling of betrayal was perhaps no less attributable to the illusions about the State being a neutral or a benign agency and about the working of representative governments. The constitution and the State worked to the good of the ruling interests, as in the case of land reforms; and of the ruling caste, as in the case of Hindu social reform legislation. Given a semblance of understanding of the structure of community power or the class character of the state, one wondered whether the expected social transformation did not amount to erring on the side of illusion. That is to say, in spite of the commitment of a Jawaharlal Nehru and the presence of the alluded “consensus”.
One can, understand the pragmatism of Dalit intellectuals at Bhopal . Chandra Bhan Prasad, who played the most crucial role at the conference and who is presently the only Dalit activist who makes his presence felt in India’s predominantly upper caste media, and his colleagues. had their reasons. Prasad’s appreciation for what the Indian state had been able to do for the Dalits carried sense in the pervading repertoire of relentless denial. However, while moving on to a positive agenda, the final resolution tended to give the impression of placing inordinate faith in the role of the Indian state and government, particularly in the context of the ruling market rationality. Secondly, the above mentioned focus on the benefit to a section of Dalits also tended to ignore the consequences of the widening differentials even among the Dalits. It also refused to grapple with the problem of the fast decline in the ability of the state to deliver the goods, even in terms of routine governance. There is considerable weight in S. P. Punalekar’s assessment that in the age of liberalisation, Dalits would need more, and not less support and protection from the State. But we need to be cautious and remember that the State is under far stronger hold of the propertied interests today than earlier. It is turning into more of a security state primarily meant to safeguard the property and investments of the big corporations, particularly MNCs. The faith which the Bhopal Consensus reposed in rigid state control was more likely, than not, to go against the Dalits and the other poor. Unless the struggle is directed to, what Randhir Singh described as “transformation of the nature of political power itself”.
The role of religion and conversion to Buddhism, which Ambedkar emphasised on, was another issue that has been a subject of debate among the Dalit intellectuals. It is well known that Ambedkar had great faith in religion, particularly during the later period of his life. “My philosophy has roots in religion and not in political science”, he stated. He also stated that he derived the fundamentals of “liberty, equality and fraternity”, from the teachings of Buddha, not from the French Revolution. According to Dhanajay Keer, Ambedkar was unhappy that the men of his party were interested more in politics than in religion, while he himself was interested more in religion than in politics. (1995: 502). Conversion of half a million followers to Buddhism was his last major enterprise and he thought of devoting the rest of his life to propagation of Buddhism. His hopes of radical social change seemed to be focussed on making India a Buddhist country within ten to fifteen years. To quote again from Keer’s biography of Ambedkar, “he thought that he would achieve now for Buddhism what Shankracharya had done for Hinduism’. (Keer: 509) Economic interpretation of history was not Ambedkar’s forte. Not many of his followers considered it crucial to understanding how politics happens. To many of them as teltumbde commented “Buddhism was the culmination of ambedkar’s mission and hence the true Ambedkarite not only had to be a Buddhist but also had to work for the spread of Buddhism’ ( 1997: 18) It is no wonder that some of them, including leaders like Udit Raj, considered conversion to Buddhism as the key to the emancipation of Dalits.
Several other intellectuals, such as Prasad and Teltumbde, for example, however, correctly regarded it as a useless distraction. Perhaps it was little more than thumbing one’s nose against Hinduism. Prasad ridiculed the choice of Ambedkar’s Buddhist radicals: “why this mad euphoria about conversion to Buddhism? It is no help’. The key thing, according to him, was the change in occupation. Teltumbde , who is a votary of revolution, was amazed that his followers projected Ambedkar as the Bodhisatva that inspires Nirvana – the state of total detachment from worldly matters. He believed it was a serious mistake that Ambedkar made Buddhism a substitute for Marxism. His excessive religiosity towards the last years of his life seemed to him to be a manifestation of “ frustration” of his efforts in the political domain. (1997: 64). “It is paradoxical that a person who is rational enough not to bind the posterity with his vision, volitionally binds himself with what is said 25 centuries before”, he said. The Buddhist orientation towards inwardness, according to him, “dis-oriented the Dalits” from the material world where their real problems are located. “Without the ideology of class struggle, the Dalit movement could never come to grips with the real problem of Dalits or comprehend the means to solve them”.
There was appreciation for the absence of irrationality in Buddhism and also for the value of moral force in social life. It was also felt that Ambedkar’s turn to Buddhism was meant not only to provide a new religion to his people but also a new cultural identity in place of the discarded Hindu identity. It is different point, however, to examine why do issues of social transformation sometimes end up as issues of identity. In the event, Mahars in Maharshtra were the only major section of Dalits who converted to Buddhism. Further, the growing emphasis on ritualism, mythology, or the controversial Vipasana, the pechant for more Buddhist temples, statues, religious congregations --- known aberrations in any organised religion --- made it no different from other religions in practice. A Buddhist Dalit remained as much a Dalit as a Hindu, Christian or Muslim Dalit. Mandelsohn and Vicziany referred to another negative dimension. According to them, the emphasis on Buddhist identity itself became a divide, between the Buddhist Dalits and the Hindu poor and oppressed communities. ( 2000: 217) In fact it also walled out other Dalit communities. To the Mangs in Maharashtra , for instance, it became the religion of the Mahars ; just as for the Bamikis in U P and Punjab that of a section of the Chamar. No wonder that most of the Dalit activists, including Kanshi Ram and Mayawati were not attracted to it.
That ideology free penchant for acquiring political power has been another subject of rethinking among Dalits intellectuals. Ambedkar’s followers were perhaps the most inspired by his call for “making Dalits the ruling race”. No one has as skillfully utilised that slogan to the advantage of his movement as Kanshi Ram did. Most of the other kinds of statements and observations of Ambedkar were not relevant. Teltumbde thought that Kanshi Ram ignored Ambedkar’s vision and instead propagated an image of Ambedkar as a master strategist, for whom electoral victory and acquiring seat of power was in itself the key to Dalit liberation. The focus of BSP and factions of RPI on somehow winning the largest number of seats in an election made the ideological thrust of Dalit struggle less relevant. It was alleged that instead of empowering the Dalits, such no holds-barred pursuit of political power robbed them of their little self-esteem and their potential optimism of will to change the social and political system. Questions were therefore raised whether such power was for Dalits an end in itself or means to a radical social transformation?
Closely connected to this issue, for the Dalit intellectuals, were the questions of adequacy of caste identity and Bahujan solidarity. Mere caste identity, as Teltumbde argued was bound to be dysfunctional. The question of Jati identity obstructed even Dalit solidarity. The fact that the benefit of reservations and other affirmative measures went more to a few advantaged Scheduled Castes favoured what Gopal Guru described as “politicisation of relative deprivation” among the others caste groups. The Mangs, for instance, positioned themselves against the Mahars. Educated Dalits like Jagannath Pani insisted that “‘jati identity’ can not be sacrificed for the sake of ‘Dalit unity’ “. ( Dalit Voice, April 16-30, 1999) The Balmikis insisted on their separate identity against the Chamars. Interestingly, some of the latter publicly declared their objective to be achievement of a “Chamar Raj“.
The question of Dalit unity with the OBCs and the religious minorities in the broad based struggle for social justice has been another issue of interest to the Dalit intellectuals and activists. Organisations such as Bahujan Samaj Party and BAMCEF were founded on that principle. Of late a certain rethinking has started on whether the interests of the Dalits Dalits and OBC are common or conflicting and contradictory. Chandrabhan Prasad has pleaded that the concrete reality pointed to a fundamental conflict of interest between the two. In his weekly column in The PIoneer and his book Dalit Diary he argued that after independence the Brahmins had been gradually replaced by the shudra or the OBC castes as the immediate and ”real tormentors of the Dalits”. The shudra castes (OBCs), according to him benefited the most from land reforms and became the landowning castes. Following Mandalisation and the strengthening of their clout in electoral politics they emerged as the most violent caste-class enemy of the Dalits. Instead of abstract ideas of broader class unity, the concrete reality, according to him, demanded a complete rethinking on the issue. In fact, writing under the title “Are Brahmins still our Shatrus? he argued that in the changed context, “Dalits and dwijas are destined to form common political coalition against marauding shudras”. (The Pioneer, July 20,2003 )
The differing perceptions and agendas among the Dalit intellectuals, pointed to the dichotomy between the selective directions from the ”Ambedkar of faith” and the “essential Ambedkar”. In terms of essentials, his vision was that of creating a social and political order pervaded by values of liberty, equality and fraternity. For that purpose, the Constitution of India included besides the apparatuses and procedures of governance, a rather conspicuous text , what Upendra Baxi described as “Justice text”. Ambedkar had no doubt in his mind that it was not possible to conceptualize Dalit emancipation without the state committed to “a redistribution of resources and “redirection of the market”. No less important to him was the creation of a sensitive and caring civil society? He saw the civil society as the “conscience-keeper of the political sphere” which determined the course of governance. Perhaps that was part of the reason why he devoted all his energy during the last days of his life to explore and articulate the importance of Buddhism to the creation of a sensitive and responsible civil society.
The task before the Dalits in this age of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation, is far more difficult and challenging. One of the problems, it seems, lies in the thinking of what K. P. Singh termed as “Dalit Bourgeoisie”. It was amazing that those who drafted the Bhopal Dalit Document waved the flag of “American Model” for seeking space for Dalits in Business corporations. It stated , for example, that the “ American society has undergone a sea change in its attitude”; that “The U S has evolved into a thriving democracy”, which is ”now an enthusiastic advocate and practitioner of equality of opportunity, affirmative action and diversity policies in every sphere of life “.(p.67, cited from Nigam, op.cit.) Sure enough, the blacks have been, following a dogged and hard struggle for decades, able to secure space in the big companies. But does that mean that this appearance social justice should be allowed to blind us to the general thrust of the ruling market rationality?
Liberalisation and globalisation tend to yoke the state and community to the service of the market. Market operates for profit. Chomsky explains the logic of international capitalism under an eloquent title of his book -- Profit over People. The lesson which economists like J K Galbriath drew from their own experience of the working of the said combination in USA is important. During the 1940s and 1950s, as Galbraith argued, the big business was used to lobbying to pressurise the agencies of state for such policies and legislation as would be favourable to their business interests. Now, as he finds, the big business are directly a part of the government.
There is another logical consequence. The small section of the rich and prosperous get disconnected from the society. A Harvard scholar Robert Reich described it as “Secession of the Successful”. It is no surprise that even the Dalit intellectuals “ in search of a Dalit Bourgeiosie” appeared to be getting disconnected from their less fortunate kinsmen. One has to take into account another related and serious problem liberalisation has posed, that is, the general disabling of governments. Political scientists have observed that in the present context, even when the people may be able to elect the representatives and the party which they liked, it was not sure that such an elected government would be free and able to make and implement decisions which it promised or even liked to make and implement. There is a tremendous global pressure for rolling back the welfare state and for limiting the intervention of the state in the social sector. On the other hand, consumerism and obsession with individual self-gratification, which is the hall-mark of liberalisation, tends to ridicule compassion and social morality. It is pertinent to remember that possessive individualism of the market strikes at the root of community feelings or “fraternity”, which was so central to Ambedkar’s and Mahatma Gandhi’s concerns.
It is necessary to understand that it is not possible in today’s context to conceive of Dalit emancipation outside or independent of the vast masses of the poor and the oppressed of diverse castes and religious affiliations. Ambedkar’s politics was not ethnic politics, but politics for the whole of Indian society. His politics was not of caste but for end of caste. Nagesh Chaudhry’s lament must make the intellectuals sit up. He said,
“ All are followers of Babasaheb Ambedkar, but divided, They hate each other more than the upper castes. . . Our numerous organisations are like the tribes, organisations for each caste” ( Dalit Voice Aug.16.2000)
How could the intellectual refuse to take note of I. P. Desai’s empirical observation that there existed a phenomenon of “untouchability amongst untouchables”. The comment by Dipankar Gupta made sense that instead of thumbing their nose at Hinduism by conversion to Buddhisn, they would do better “if they thought a little more deeply about combating caste among Dalits instead of wanting to be priests in a new religious order”. (Dipankar Gupta 2003)
Further, it is time to examine whether continuing to bewail the setback of Poona Pact or the fad of bashing of Gandhi served the causes in the context of the problems that face us in the 21 st century. Let the primary focus be Babasaheb Ambedkar’s larger vision. That can never be realised in an order of politics and economy driven by lust, greed and profit – by polution of the enviroment and of minds. There is no alternative short of the one directed to negation of Capitalism. The fate of centralised party-state bureaucratic route to socialism provides a lesson. The hope for an order of social justice and human dignity in an environment of fraternity can be realised only if the people secure real power, not the mask of power; when such politics, not market mystification, is in command. The task is far too big and complex. Dalits have to be part of the bigger struggle. The present ferment among Dalit intellectuals --- the readiness for ruthless criticism of old beliefs and ideas ---- may be viewed as a sign of confidence and hope. Appo Deepo Bhava .
References
Ambedkar, B. R., “ Buddha or Karl Marx “ text from Valarian Rodrigues, (Ed.) The Essential Writings of B.R.Ambedkar. Delhi: Oxford University Press
Bheem Patrika, No.45 November 2004 (1) p. 2)
Dalit Voice, April 16-30, 1999 ; August 16, 2000 ;
Gupta, Dipankar , “ Killing Caste by Conversion”, The Hindu, November 13, 2003
Guru, Gopal , “Mobility Sydrome”, in S.M. Michael ed.Dalits in Modern India : Vision and values, New Delhi : Vistaar Publications,1999.
_______________1993. Comment. Dalit Movement in Mainstream Sociology, Economic and Political Weekly, Vol.XXVIII, No.14, April 3, !993.
Jadhav, Narendra 2003, Outcaste: A Memoire, Delhi ; Viking.
Keer, Dhananjay 1995. Dr. Ambedkar; Life and Mission . Bombay : Popular Prakashan.
Mandlesohn and Vicziany 2000. The Untouchables, Cambridge University Press.
Muthalaly, Shonali 2003. “An Emerging Voice”, Interview with Narendra Jadhav , The Hindu, Nov. 10, 2003 .
Nigam, Aditya, “ In Search of a Bourgeoisie : Dalit Politics Enters a New Phase’, Economic and Political Weekly, March 30, 2002 .
Omvedt, Gail 1999. “ Dalits and Economic Policy: Contributions of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar”, in S.M. Michael (ed) Dalits in Modern India : Vision and values, New Delhi : Vistaar Publications,1999.
Prasad, Chandra Bhan2003. “ Are Brahmins Still Our Shatrus?” The Pioneer, July 20.
------------------------2004. “ Posers for Intellectuals”,The Pioneer May29.
---------------------------- Diversity Directorate, Letter to the Prime minister, Manmohan Singh from website ambedkar.org
Punalekar, S. P.1999. “ Development Against Empowerment of the Poor” in S.M. Michael (ed).Dalits in Modern India : Vision and values, New Delhi : Vistaar Publications.
Ram . Nandu. 1995. Beyond Ambedkar: Essays on Dalits in India , New delhi : Har Anand Publications.
Teltumbde, Ananad 1997. Ambedkar in and For the Post- Ambedkar Movement, Pune: Sugawa Prakashan,
________________ 2000. “ Theorising Dalit Movement: A Viewpoint”, Dalit e-Forum, www.ambedkar.org”
Posted on August 21, 2009
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“Ambedkar and the Post-Ambedkar Dalit Intellectuals” |
Dr. Harish K. Puri (Retired Professor, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar Chair, Department of Political Science, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar (Punjab, India) is visiting Sacramento on August 22 nd, 2009 at Gadar Memorial Foundation of America, Sacramento. Other known scholars accompanying him include Dr. Jaspal Singh (Vice Chancellor Punjabi University Patiala), Dr. Surinder Mand ( India ), Dr. J.S. Neki, and Dr. Atamjit from India (Playwright and Director). Dr. Gurdev Singh Khush of University of California would also be part in the galaxy of scholars converging at Gadar Memorial Foundation.
Ambedkartimes.com is pleased to publish an article entitled “Ambedkar and the Post-Ambedkar Dalit Intellectuals” written by Dr. Harish K. Puri. Professor Puri was introduced to ambedkartimes.com by Dr. Ronki Ram (Chairperson Department of Political Science Punjab University, Chandigarh ,India ). We thank him for introducing us with this well known personality from Punjab ( India ). Ambedkartimes.com welcomes Professor Harish K. Puri.
Editor (Ambedkartimes.com) |
UNDERSTANDING
THE ANGER AND RIOTS IN PUNJAB , INDIA
By Dr. Harmesh Kumar, (Clinical Psychologist) |
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We are really shocked at the attack of our Gurus in Austria by some misguided and misinformed so called upper castes Sikhs. It seems they did not understand the meaning of “Sikh” i.e. seeker of Truth. The Sikh religion was founded to give fair hearing and justice to the miseries of Kashmiri Pundits who were being converted by force to Islam by then Muslim Dictator, Aurangzeb and also to the lower castes that were not being treated with respect. It was promoted to remove discrimination of upper castes against lower castes Hindus, so called untouchables. The Sikh religion became very entrenched in Punjab where most of the people especially from lower castes joined the in masses because they were promised to be treated equally in social hierarchy and with respect.
Unfortunately, after the death of the Tenth Guru Gobind Singh Ji, Who founded the Khalsa, the religion fell into the hands of the upper castes. Even though lower castes Sikhs started practicing the religion more sincerely and with more devotion. Some of the spiritual leaders from various Dera (Sects) started their own preaching based on the Holy Guru Granth Sahib. Dera Sach Khand was one of the sects which was promoting equality not only in social, financial and religious matters but went into supporting Congress Party openly in the current Lok Sahba election. It seems there are many vested interests that do not want to see the positive changes in the society and are not happy with the financial and vertical social mobility by lower castes, they want to create unrest and anger in the lower castes, which seems like a bank votes for the Congress Party. Rahul Gandhi’s going to untouchable’s homes and kissing the babies of those untouchable and spending times with them and eating food with them did not set well with some of the people who did this heinous act of attacking the spiritual leaders of a very progressive sect in Punjab. Most the followers of this sect (Dera Sach Khand) are in the western world and made significant financial and social gains and want to contribute in India to uplift their communities by sending millions of dollars for educational, health, social and religious institutions led by Swami Naranjan Dass Ji and Rama Nand Ji. These attacks were designed to hinder momentum of social, financial and political gains these so called lower castes spiritual leaders have made especially during last decade or two.
On the one hand, Sikh religion as Prime Minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh reported in the News media, was created to spread universal message of love, tolerance and respecting the human rights of all irrespective of their castes, creed, religion, race, origin of nationality etc. but some vested interests with social myopia and ignorance still try to create that wedge between different sections of the society based on their narrow interpretation of the tenets of Sikhism. Being a practicing psychologist in United States,
I am observing that many Sikhs have sued the mainstream businesses, private and governmental organizations that they are being discriminated by the mainstream. However, when I see them in my daily interactions it appears that they are having a hard time shedding the same programming of discrimination they brought with them from India. They are not only hurting themselves but their children are having hard time to respect them and assimilate better in the mainstream. This duality sometimes causes cognitive dissonance and mental and emotional turmoil in younger generations. This in turn leads to anger and violence. The world has become very complicated and the news moves with super-sonic speed with the invent to TV and internet, therefore, any thing happening in US or India or Austria could trigger events positive or negative in other parts of the world. Some groups and agencies specialize in creating misperception based on their narrow belief systems to create division for political gains as they function on Machiavellian model of Power which is based on divide and rule principal, whereas regular and genuine people or spiritual beings like Swami Naranjan Dass and late Rama Nand Ji tried to spread the message of true love and devotion to make positive changes in humanity are being eliminated by the same consciousness who eliminated Fifth Guru Arjun Dev Ji and Jesus Christ.
It is up to all of us as ordinary human beings whether to align ourselves as Gurumukh (One who operates on the basis of love for all and serve all philosophy) like Swami Naranjan Dass and Rama Nand Ji or align ourselves as Manmukh (One who operates on the basis of selfishness and Homeon, inflated ego or Machiavellian model of Power) to preach and force our way of thinking to preach division, hatred and duality and create psychological boundaries based on caste, creed, religion, nationality, race or ethnicity. Thus leading to suffering not only for us but for others. I wish and hope sincerely that we as a human race promote more tolerance and not react to things immediately rather try to understand them more thoroughly. |
KHUSHBOO
PUNJAB DI, MEHFIL-E-SARTAAJ
Due
to unavoidable circumstances, the promoter has postponed the concert
on Saturday, April 3, 2010 until further notice.
You are entitled to a full refund at your point of purchase.Management
(Posted onApril 01, 2010)
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MESSAGE
FOR DR. HARMESH KUMAR
SOUTH ASIAN BEHAVIORAL HEALTH (SABH)
Dr. Ronki Ram, Chairperson,
Dept. of Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh
(India) |
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I
convey my felicitations to South Asian Behavioral Health and Training
(SABH) Foundation for the occasion of organizing Khushboo Punjab
Di, Mehfil-A-Sartaj, Saturday, April 3, 2010, and express my immense
pleasure for its efforts to bring out a Souvenir on this very day.
I sincerely appreciate the
spirit behind this exciting event. SABHF would be remembered for
its noble initiative toward raising a Seniors” Home for South
Asians. We should not forget out civilizational moral duty towards
our seniors in the family as well as our society. Any civilization
which ignores its senior citizens can neither grow nor survive.
Seniors are not merely elderly persons they are, in fact, the custodian
of wisdom and store-house of immense experiences of numerous ups
and downs they have passed through their daily struggle in lives.
In today’s highly fragmented
social and consumerized world, it is high time that we inculcate
in ourselves the noble duty of looking after the well-being of our
seniors. The efforts being made by SABHF are laudable. I congratulate
the organizers of the SABHF and wish them all success
Posted on March
20, 2010 |
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"DO GOOD, GET GOOD, DO EVIL, GET EVIL." LORD BUDDHA
AMBEDKAR TIMES’S SPECIAL ISSUE
ON BHARAT RATTAN BABA SAHIB
DR. B. R. AMBEDKAR |
Ambedkartimes
has started its own first newspaper named “Ambedkar
Times” and if anyone would like to send us any
kind of community news, matters, ads and more please feel free to
e-mail us on premchumber@yahoo.com
. We would be more than happy to publish then in the newspaper.
We are going to have our next issue of “Ambedkar Times”
in the first week of April 2009 especially on Bharat
Rattan Baba Sahib Dr. B. R. Ambedkar’s birth anniversary.
We would like all of your help in publishing your valuable articles
on Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. Please send us your articles on or before
March 30 th, 2009. Once again thanks for all your support.
With warm regards,
Prem Chumber (Editor)
March 24, 2009 |
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