| DR. BHIM RAO RAM JI AMBEDKAR SUBMITTED A MEMORANDUM TO THE MINORITIES COMMITTEE OF THE ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE FOR THE SCHEME OF " Political Safeguards for, the Protection of the Depressed Classes in the Future Constitution of, a self-governing India ." THE INDIAN ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE WAS INAUGURATED BY KING GEORGE 5 ON 12TH NOV. , 1930 AT LONDON. DR. AMBEDKAR AND RAO BAHADUR R, SRINIVASIN WERE THE REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNTOUCHABLES .THE ADI-DHARAM MANDAL ALSO DEMANDED THE BRITISH GOVT. TO NOMINATE A REPRESENTATIVE AMONG THEM. DR. AMBEDKAR LAID DOWN " the terms and conditions on which the Depressed Classes will' consent to place themselves under a majority rule in a self-governing India."
Condition No. I
EQUAL GITIZENSHIP
The Depressed Classes cannot consent to subject themselves to majority rule ill their present state of hereditary bondsmen. Before majority rule is established then emancipation from the system of untouchability must be an accomplished fact. It must not be left to the will of the majority. The Depressed Classes must be made free citizens entitled to all the rights of citizenship in common with other citizens of the State.
(A) To secure the abolition of untouchability and to create the equality of citizenship, it is proposed that the following fundamental right shall be made part of the constitution of India.
FUNDAMENTAL RIGHT
"All subjects of the State in India are equal before the law and possess equal civic rights. Any existing enactment, regulation, order, custom or interpretation of law by which any penalty, disadvantage, dissolubility is imposed upon or any discrimination is made against any subject of the State on account of untouchability shall, as from the day on which this Constitution comes into operation, cease to have any effect in India.
(B) To abolish the immunities and exemptions now enjoyed by executive officers by virtue of Sections 110 and 111 of the Government of India Act 1919 and their with what it is in the case of a European British Subject.
Condition No. 11
FREE ENJOYMENT OF EQUAL RIGHTS'
It is no use for the Depressed Classes to have a declaration of equal rights... There can be no doubt that the Depressed Classes will have to face the whole force of orthodox society if they try to exercise the equal rights of citizenship. The Depressed Classes therefore feel that if these declarations of rights are not to be there pious pronouncements, but are to 'be realities of everyday life, then they should be protected by adequate pains and penalties from interference ill the enjoyment of these declared rights.
(A) The Depressed Classes therefore propose that the following section should be added to Part XI of the Government of India Act 1919, dealing with Offences, Procedure and Penalties:-
(i) Offence of Infringement of Citizenship.
"Whoever denies to any person except for reasons by law applicable to persons of all classes and regardless of any previous condition of untouchability the full enjoyment of any of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, privileges of inns, educational institutions, roads; paths, streets, tanks, wells and other watering Places, public conveyances on land, air or water, theatres or other Places of public amusement, resort or convenience whether they are dedicated to or maintained or licensed for the use of the public shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to five years and shall also be liable to fine."
(B) Obstruction by orthodox individuals is not the only menace to the Depressed Classes in the way of peaceful enjoyment of their rights. The commonest form of obstruction is the social boycott. It is the most formidable weapon in the hands of the orthodox classes with which they beat down any attempt on the part of the Depressed Classes to undertake any activity if it happens to be 'unpalatable to them. The way it works and the occasions on which it is brought into operation are well described in the Report of the Committee appointed by the Government of Bombay in 19~8. "to enquire into the educational, economic and social condition of the Depressed Classes (untouchables) and of the Aboriginal Tribes in the Presidency and to recommend measures for their uplift." The following is an extract from the same:-
Depressed Classes and Social Boycott
"102. Although we have recommended various ,remedies to secure to the Depressed Classes their rights to all public utilities we fear that fare will be difficulties in the way their exercising them fare long time to come. ,The first difficulty is the tear of open violence against them by the orthodox classes. It must be noted that the Depressed Classes form a small minority in every village, opposed to which is' a great majority of the orthodox who are bent on protecting their interests and dignity from any supposed invasion by 'the Depressed Classes at any cost. The danger of prosecution by the Police has put a limitation upon type use of violence by the orthodox classes and consequently such cases are rare.
"The second difficulty arises from the economic position in which the Depressed Classes are found to-day. The Depressed Classes have no economic independence in most parts of the Presidency. Some cultivate the lands of the orthodox classes as their tenants at will. Others live on their earnings as farm labourers employed by the orthodox classes and the rest subsist on the food 01' grain given to them by the orthodox classes in lieu of service rendered to them as village servants. We have heard of numerous instances where the orthodox classes have used their economic power as a weapon against those Depressed Classes in their villages, when the latter have dared to exercise their rights, and have evicted them froth their land, and stopped their employment and discontinued their remuneration as village servants. This boycott is often planned on such an extensive scale as to include the prevention of the Depressed Classes from using the commonly used paths and the stoppage of sale of the necessaries of life by the village Bania. According to the evidence sometimes small causes suffice for the proclamation of a social boycott against the Depressed Classes. Frequently it follows on the exercise by the Depressed Classes of their right to the use of the common-well, but cases have been by no means rare where a stringent boycott. has been proclaimed simply because a Depressed Class ,man has put on the sacred thread, has bought a piece of land, has put on good clothes or ornaments, or has carried a marriage procession with the bridegroom on the horse through the public street.
"We do not know of any weapon more effective than this social boycott which could -have been invented for the suppression of the Depressed Classes. The method of open violence pales away before it, for it has the most .far reaching and deadening effects. It is the more dangerous because it passes as a lawful inethod consistent with the theory of freedom of contact. We agree that this tyranny of the majority must be put down with a firm hand, if we are to guarantee the Depressed Classes the freedom of speech and action necessary for their uplift."
In the opinion of the Depressed Classes the only way to overcome this kind of menace to their rights and liberties is to make social.
Boycott an offence punishable by law. They are therefore bound to Insist that the following sections should be added to those included in Part XI, of the Government of India Act 1919, dealing with Offences, Procedure and Penalties.
I. OFFENCE OF BOYCOTT DEFINED
(i) A person shall be deemed to boycott another who:-
(a) refuses to let or use or occupy any house or land, or to deal with, work for hire, or do business with another person, or to render to him or receive from him any service, or refuses to do any of the said things on the terms on which such things should commonly be done in the ordinary course of business, or
(b) abstains from such social, professional or business relations as he would, having regard to such existing customs in the community which are not inconsistent witkany fundamental right or other rights of citizenship declared in the Constitution ordinarily maintain with such person, or
(c) In any way injures, annoys or interferes with such other person in the exercise of his lawful rights.
II. PUNISHMENT FOR BOYCOTTING
Whoever, in consequence of any person having done any act which he was legally entitled to do or of his having omitted to do any act which he was legally entitled to omit to do, or with intent to cause any person to do any act which he is 1ot legally bound to do or to omit to do any act which he is legally entitled to do, or with intent to cause harm to such person in body, mind, reputation or property, or in his business or means of living, boycotts such person or any person in whom such person is interested, shall be punished with imprisonment of either description which may extend to seven years or with fine or with both. Provided that no offence shall be deemed to have been committed under this Section, if the Court is satisfied that the acts person has not acted at the instigation of or in collusion with any other person or in pursuance of any conspiracy or of any agreement or combination to boycott.
III. PUNISHMENT FOR INSTIGATING OR PROMOTING A BOYCOTT
Whoever:- (a) Publicly makes or publishes or circulates a proposal for, or (b) makes, publishes. or circulates any statement, rumour or report with intent to, or which he has reason to believe to be likely to, cause or (c) in any other way instigates or promotes the boycotting of any person or class of persons, shall be punished with imprisonment which may extend to five years, or with fine or with both.
Explanation.-An offence under this section shall be deemed to have been committed although the person affected or likely to be affected by any action of the nature referred to herein is not designated by name or class but only by his acting or abstaining from acting in some specified manner.
IV. PUNISHMENT FOR THREATENING A BOYCOTT
Whoe1ler, in consequence of any person having done any act which he was legally entitled to do or of his having omitted to do any act which he was legally entitled to omit to do, or with intent to cause any person to do any act which he is not legally bound to do, or to omit to do any act which he is legally entitled to do, threatens to cause such person or any person in whom such person is interested, to be boycotted shall be punished with imprisonment of either description for a term which may extend to five years or with fine or with both exception :-It is not boycott
(i) to do any act ,in furtherance of a bona fide labour dispute, (ii) to do any act in the ordinary course of business competition.
N.B.-All these offences shall be deemed to be cognizable offences.
Condition No. III
PROTEOTION 'f1GAINST DISCRIMINATION
The Depressed Classes entertain grave fears of discrimination either by legislation or by executive order being made in the future. They cannot therefore consent to subject themselves to majority nIle unless it is rendered impossible in law for the legislature or the executive to make any invidious discrimination against the Depressed Classes.
, It is therefore proposed that 'the following Statutory provision is made in the constitutional law of India:
''It shall not be competent for any Legislature or executive in India to pass a law or issue an order, rule or regulation so as- to 'violate the rights of the Su~iects of the State, regardless of any previo1ts condition of untouchability, in all territories subject to the jurisdiction of the dominion of India,
(1) to make and enforce contracts, to sue, be parties, and give evidence, to inherit, purchase, lease, sell, hold and convey real and personal property, (2) to be eligible for entry into the civil and military employ and to all educational i1tStituti01ts except for such. Conditions and UmitaUo1tS as may be necessary to provide for the due and adequate representati01t of all classes of the subjects of the State. (3) to be entitled to the full and equal enjoyment of the accommodations, advantages, facilities, educational institutions, privileges of inns, rivers, streams, wells, tanks, roads, paths, streets, public conveyances on land, air and 1iJater, theatres, and other Places of public resort or amusement except for stitch conditions and limitations applicable alike to all subjects of every race, class, caste, colour or creed, (4) to be deemed fit for and capable of sharing without distinction the benefits of any religious or charitable trust dedicated to or created, maintained or licensed for the general public or for persons of the same faith and religion, (5) to claim full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the sec1trity of person and property as is enjoyed by other subjects regardless of any previous condition of untouchability and be subject to like punishment pains and penalties and to none other.
Condition No. IV
ADEQUATE REPRESENTATION IN THE LEGISLA TURES
The Depressed Classes must he given sufficient political power to influence legislative and executive action for the purpose of securing their welfare. In view of this they demand that the following provisions shall be made in the electoral law so as to give them
(1) Right to adequate representation in the Legislatures of the Country, Provincial and Central. (2) Right to elect their own men as their representatives, (a) by adult suffrage, and (b) by separate electorates Jor the first ten years and thereafter by joint electorates and reserved seats, it being understood that joint electorates shall not be forced 1tpOn the Depressed Classes against their will unless such joint electorates are accompanied by adult suffrage.
N:B.-Adequate Representation for the Depressed Classes cannot be defined in quantitative terms until the extent of representation allowed to other communities is known. But it must be understood that the Depressed Classes will not consent to the representation of any other community being settled on better terms than those allowed to them. They will not agree to being placed at a disadvantage in this matter. In any case the Depressed Classes of Bombay and Madras must have weight age over their population ratio of representation, irrespective of the extent of representation allowed to other minorities in the Provinces.
Condition No. V. ADEQUATE, REPRESENTATION IN THE SERVICES
The Depressed Classes have suffered enormously at the hands of the high caste officers who have monopolized the Public Services by abusing the law or by misusing the discretion vested in them in administering it to the prejudice of the Depressed Classes and to the advantage of the caste Hindus without any regard to justice, equity or good conscience. This mischief can only be avoided by destroying the monopoly of, taste Hindus in the Public Services and by regulating the recruitment to them in such a manner that all c()mmUJ;rities including the Depressed will have an adequate share in them. For this purpose the Depressed Classes have to make the following proposals for statutory enactment as part of the constitutional law:
(1) There shall be established in India and in each Province in India a public Services Commission to undertake the recruitment and control of the Public Services. (2) No member of the Public Service Commission shall be removed except by a resolution passed by the Legislature nor shall he be appointed to any office under the Crown after his retirement (3) It shall be the duty of the Public Service Commission, subject to the tests of efficiency as may be prescribed,
(a) To remit the Services in such a manner as will secure due and adequate representation of all communities, and (b) to regulate from time to time priority in employment, in accordance with the existing extent of the representati01J of the various communities in any particular service concerned.
Condition No. V I REDRESS AGAINST PREJUDICIAL ACTION OR NEGLECT OF INTERESTS
In view of the fact that the Majority Rule of the future will be the rule of the orthodox, the Depressed Classes fear that such a Majority Rule will not be sympathetic to them and that the probability of prejudice to their interests and neglect of their vital needs cannot be overlooked. It must be provided against particularly because, however adequately represented the Depressed Classes will be in a minority in all legislatures. The Depressed Classes think it very necessary that they should have the means of redress given to them in the constitution. It is therefore proposed that the following provision should be made in the constitution of India:
"In and for each Province and in and for India it shall be the British North Amer. duty and obligation of the Legislature and the icaAct,1867, Sec.93 Executive or any other Authority estal; Jlished by Law to make adequate provision for the education, sanitation, recruitment in Public Services and other matters of social and political advancement of the Depressed Classes and to do nothing that will prejudicially affect them.
"(2) Where in any Province or in India the provisions of this section are violated an appeal shall lie to the Governor-General in Council from any act or decision of any Provincial Authority and to the Secretary of State from any act or decision of a Central Authority affecting the matter.
"(3) In every such case where it appears to the Governor-General in Councilor to the Secretary of State that the Provincial Authority or Central Authority does not take steps requisite for the' due execution of the provisions of this Section then and in every such case, and
as far only as the circumstances of each case require the Governor General in Councilor the Secretary of State acting as an appellate authority may prescribe, for stitch period as they may deem fit, take remedial measures for the due execution of the provisions of this Section and of any of its decisions under this Section and which shall be binding upon the authority appealed against.
Condition No. VII
SPECIAL DEPARTMENTAL CARE
The helpless, hapless and sapless condition of the Depressed Classes must be entirely attributed to the dogged and determined opposition of the whole mass of the orthodox population which will not allow the Depressed Classes to have equality of status or equality of treatment. It is not enough to say of their economic condition that they are poverty-stricken Qr that they are a class of landless labourers, although both these statements are statements of fact. It has to be noted that the poverty of the Depressed Classes is due largely to the social prejudices in consequence of which'many an occupation for earning a living is closed to them. This is a fact which differentiates the position of the Depressed Classes from that of the ordinary caste labourer and is often a source of .trouble between the two. It has also to be borne in mind that the forms of tyranny and oppression practised against the Depressed Classes are very various and the capacity of the Depressed Classes to protect themselves is extremely limited. The facts, which obtain in this connection and which are of common occurrence throughout India, are well described in the Abstracts of Proceedings of the Board of Revenue of the Government of Madras dated 5th Nov., 1892, No. 723, from which the following is an extract:
" 134. There are forms of oppression only hitherto hinted at which must be at least cursorily mentioned. To punish disobedience of Pariahs, their masters
(a) Bring false cases in the village court or in the criminal courts.
(b) Obtain, on application, from Government waste lands lying all round the paracheri, so as to impound the Pariahs' , cattle or obstruct the way to their temple.
(c) Have mirasi names fraudulently ente-red in. the Government account against the paracheri.
(d) Pull down the huts and destroy the growth in the backyards.
(e) Deny occupancy right in immemorial sub-tenancies.
(f) Forcibly cut the Pariahs' crops, and on being resisted, charge them with theft and rioting.
(g) Under misrepresentations, get them to execute documents by which they are afterwards ruined.
(h) Cut off the flow of water from their fields.
(i) Without legal notice, have the property of sub-tenants attached for the land-lords' arrears of revenue.
"135. It will be said there are civil and .criminal courts for the redress of any of these injuries. There are the courts indeed; but India does not breed village Hampdens. One must have courage to go to the courts; money to employ legal knowledge, and meet legal expenses; and means to live during the case and the appeals. Further most cases depend upon the decision of the first court; and these courts are presided over by officials who are sometimes corrupt and who generally, for other reasons, sympathize with the wealthy and landed classes to which they belong.
"136. The influence of these classes with the oftlcial world can hardly be exaggerated. It is extreme with natives and great even with Europeans. Every office, from the highest to the lowest, is stocked with their representatives, and there is no proposal affecting their interests but they can bring a score of influence to bear upon it in its course from inception to execution. "
There can be no doubt that in view of these circumstances the uplift of the Depressed Classes will remain a pious hope uJlless the task is placed in the forefront of all governmental activities and unless equalization of opportunities is realized in practice by a definite policy and determined effort on the p~ of Government. To secure this end the proposal of the Depressed Glasses is that the GOnstitutional Law should impose upon the Government of India a statutory obligation to maintain at all times a department to deal with their problems by the addition of a section in the Government of India Act to tke following effect ;
"-1. Simultaneously with the introduction of this Constitution and as part thereof, there shall be created in the Government of India a Department to be in charge of a Minister for the purpose of watching the interest~ of the Depressed Classes and promoting their welfare.
"2. The Minister shall hold office so long as he retains the confidence' of the Central Legislature.
"3. It shall be the duty of the Minister in the exercise of any powers and duties conferred upon him or transferred to him by law, to take all such steps as may be desirable to secure the preparation, effective carrying out and co-ordination of measures preventative of acts of social injustice, tyranny or oppression against the Depressed Classes and conducive to their welfare through out India.
"4. It shall be lawful for the Governor-General
(a) -to transfer to the Minister all or any powers or duties in respect of the welfare of the Depressed Classes arising from any enactment relating to ,education, sanitation, etc.
(b) to appoint -Depressed Classes welfare bureaus in each province to work under the authority of and in co-operation with the Minister.
Condition No. VIII
DEPRESSED CLASSES AND THE CABINET
Just as it is necessary that the Depressed Classes should have the power to influence governmental action by seats in the Legislature so also it is desirable that the Depressed Classes should have the opportunity to frame the general policy' of the Government. This they can do only if they can find a seat in the Cabinet. The Depressed CI8.sses therefore claim that in comnion With other minorities, their moral rights to be represented in the Cabinet should be recognized. With this purpose in view the Depressed Classes propose:
that in the Instrument of Instrument an obligation shall be Placed upon the Governor and the Governor-General to endeavour to secure the representation of the Depressed Classes in his Cabinet.
II What happened to these demands of the Untouchables and how the members of the Minorities Committee reacted to them can be well understood by a perilsal of the Report made by the Minorities Committee to the Round Table Conference. I give below a few extracts from that Report :
"5. Claims were therefore advanced by various committees that arrangements should be made for communal representaiion and for fixed proportions of seats. It was also urged that the number of seats reserved for a minority community should in no case be less than its proportion in the population. The methods by which this could be secured were mainly three: (1) nomination, (2) electorates and (3) separate electorates.
"6. Nomination was unanimously deprecated.
"7. Joint electorates were proposed with the proviso that a proportion of seats should be reserved to the communities. Thus a more democratic form would be given to the elections whilst the purpose of the electorate system would be secured. Doubts were expressed that, whilst such a system of election might secure the representation of minorities, it provided no guarantee that the representation would be genuine, but that it might, in its working, mean the nomination or, in any event, the election of minority representatives by the majority communities.
It was pointed out that this was in fact only a form of community representation and had' in practice all the objections to the more direct form of community electorates.
"8. The discussion made it evident that the demand which remained as the only one which would be generally acceptable was separate electorates. The general objection to this scheme has been subject to much previous discussion in India. It involves what is a very difficult problem for solution, viz., what should be the amount of communal representation in the various provinces and in the Centre; that, if the whole, or practically the whole, of the seats in a legislature are to be assigned to communities, there will be no room for the growth of independent political opinion or of true political parties, and this problem received a selious complication by the demand of the representative of the Depressed Classes that they should be deducted from the Hindu population and be regarded, for electoral purposes, as a separate community.
"9. It was suggested that, in order to meet the most obvious objection to the ear-marking of seats to communities, only a proportion should be so assigned-say 80 per cent. or 90 per cent.-and that the rest should be filled by open election. This, however, was not regarded by some of the communities as giving them the guarantees they required.
"10. The scheme proposed by Maulana Muhammad Ali, a member of the Sub-Committee, whose death we deplore, ihat, as far as possible 110 communal candidate should be elected unless he secured at least 40 per cent. according to arrangement, of the votes of the other community, was also considered. It was, however, pointed out that such a scheme necessarily involved the maintenance of communal registers and so was open to objections similar to those urged against separate electorates.
"11.
No claim for separate electorate or for the reservation of seats in joint electorates was made on behalf of women who should continue to be eligible for election on the same footing as men. But, in order to familiarize the public mind with the idea of women taking an active part in political life and to secure their interim representation on the legislature, it was urged that 5 per cent. of the seats in the first three Cowlicks should be reserved for women and it was suggested that they should be filled by co-option by the elected members voting by proportional representation.
" 12. There was general agreement with the recommendation of Sub-Committee No. II (Provincial Constitution) that the representation on the Provincial Executive of important minority communities was a matter of the greatest practical importance for the successful working of the new constitution, and it was also agreed that, on the same grounds, Muhammadans should be represented on the Federal Executive. On behalf of the smaller minorities a claim was put forward for their representation, either individually or collectively, on the Provincial and Federal Executives or that, if this should be found impossible, in each Cabinet there should be a Minister specially charged with the duty of protecting minority interests.
(Dr. Ambedkar and Sardar Ujjal Singh would add the words "and other important minorities" after the word Muhammadans in line 6).
The difficulty of working jointly responsible Executives under such a scheme as this was pointed out.
"13. As regards the administration, it was agreed that recruitment to both Provincial and Central Services should be entrusted to Public Service Commissions, with instructions to reconcile the claims of, the various communities to fair and adequate representation in the Public Services, whilst providing for the maintenance of a proper standard of efficiency.
* * *"16. It has also been made clear that the British Government cannot, with any chance of agreement, impose upon the communities an electoral principle which, in some feature or other, would be met by their opposition. It was therefore plain that, failing an agreement, separate electorates, with all their drawbacks and difficulties, would have to be retained as the basis of the electoral arran!,"Cments under the new constitution. From this the question of proportions would arise. Under these circumstances, the claims of the Depressed Classes will have to be considered adequately.
* *18. The Minorities and Depressed Classes were definite in their assertion that they could not consent to any self-governing constitution for India unless their demands were met in a reasonable manner."
*The Federal Structure Committee, another Committee appointed by the Round Table Conference to discuss the form and functions of the Central Government, had also to consider the question of the Untouchables in connection with the composition of the Federal Legislatures. In the rep01.t it made to the Conference it said :
"Opinion was unanimous in the sub-committee that, subject to any report of the Minorities Sub-Committee, provision should be made for the representation, possibly in both Chambers and certainly in the Lower Chamber, of certain special interests, namely, the Depressed Classes, Indian Christians, European, Anglo-Indians, Landlords, Commerce (European and Indian) and Labour."
DR.AMBAWDEKAR AND MR.RAO BAHADUR R.SRINIVASIN ALSO JOINTLY SUBMITTED A SUPPLEMENTARY MEMORANDUM FOR THE SPECIAL REPRESENTATION OF THE DEPRESSED CLASSES TO THE ROUND TABLE CONFERENCE ON 4TH NOV.,1931 WHICH IS PRINTED IN DR.AMBAWDEKAR`S BOOK " WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES " AS AN APPENDIX 2 AS BELOW :-
" In the memorandum that was submitted by us last year dealing with the question of political safeguards for the protection of the Depressed Classes in the constitution for a self-governing India, and which forms Appendix III to the printed volume of Proceedings of the Minorities Sub-Committee, we had demanded that special representation of the Depressea Classes must form one of such safeguards. But we did not then define the details of the special representation we claimed as being necessary for them. The reason was that the proceedings of the Minorities Sub-Committee came to an end before the question was reached. We now propose to make good the omission by this supplementary memorandum so that the Minorities Sub-Committee, if it comes to consider the question this year, should have the requisite details before it.
(1) EXTENT OF SPECIAL REPRESENTATION
A. Special Representation in Provtnclal Legislatures.
(i) In Bengal, Central Provinces, Assam, Bihar and Orissa, Punjab and the United Provinces, the Depressed Classes shall have representation in proportion to their population as estimated by the Simon Commission and the Indian Central Committee.
(ii) In Madras, the Depressed Classes shall have twenty-two per cent representation.
(iii) In Bombay:
(a) in the event of Sind continuing to be a part of the Bombay Presidency, the Depressed Classes shall have sixteen percent. representation;
(b) in the event of Sind being separated from the Bombay Presidency the Depressed Classes shall enjoy the same degree of representation as the Presidency Muslims, both being equal in population.
B.-Special Representation in the Federal Legislature.In Both Houses of the Federal Legislature, the Depressed Classes shall have representation in proportion to their population in India.
RESERVATIONS
We have fixed this proportion of representation in the Legislatures on the following assumptions :
(1) We havc assumed that the figures for the population of the Depressed Classes given by the Simon Commission (Vol. I, p. 40) and the Indian Central Committee (Report p. 4-1) will be acceptable as sufficiently correct to form a basis for distributing seats.
(2) We have assumed that the Federal Legislature will comprise the whole of India, in which casc. the population of the Depressed Classes in Indian States, in Centrally Administered Areas, aud in Excluded Territories, besides their population in Governor's Provinces, will form very properly an additional item in calculating the extent of representation of the Depressed Classes in the Federal Legislature.
(3) We have assumed that the administrativc areas of the Provinces of British India will continlic to be what they are at present.
But if the assumption, regarding figures of population are challenged, as some interested parties threaten to do, and if undel' a new census the Depressed ql\!>ses show a lower proportion, or if the administrative areas of the. Provinces are altered, resulting in disturbing the existing balance .of population, the Depressed Classes reserve their right to revise thdr proportion of representation and even to claim weightage. the same if the All-India Federation does not come into being, they will be willing to submit to readjustment in their proportion of representation calculated on that basis in the Federal Legislature.
(2) METHOD OF REPRESENTATIONS
1. The Depressed Classes shall have the right to elect their representatives to the Provincial and Central Legislature throngh separate electorates of their voters.
For their representation. in the Upper Honse of the Federal or Central Legislature, if it is decided to have indirect election hv members of the Provincial Legislatures, the Depressed Classes will agree to abandon their right to separate electorates far as their representation to the Upper House is concerned subject to this: that in any system of proportional representation arrangement shall be made to guarantee to them their quota of scats.
2. Separate electorates for the Depressed Classes shall not. be liable to be replaced by a system of joint electorates and reserved seats, except when the following conditions are fulfilled :
(a) A referendum of the voters held at the demand of a majority of their representatives in the Legislatures concerned alid resulting in an absolute majority of the members of the Depressed Class having the franchise.
(b) No such referendum shall be resorted to until after twenty years and until universal adult suffrage has been established,
(3) NECESSITY OF DEFINING THE DEPRESSED CLASSES
The representation of the Depressed Classes has been grossly abused in the past inasmuch as persons other than the Depressed Classes were nominated to represent them the Provincial Legislatwes, and cases are, not wanting in which persons not belonging to the Depressed Classes got themselves nominated as representatives of the Depressed Classes. This abuse was due to the fact that while the Governor was given the power to nominate persons to represent the Depressed Classes, he was not required to confine his nomination to persons belonging to the Depressed Classes. Since nominatiop is to be substituted by election under the new constitution, there will be no room for this abuse. But in order to leave no loophole for defeating tlie purpose of their special representation we claim:
(i) That the Depressed Classes shall not only have the right to their own separate electorates, but they shall also have the right to be represented hy their own men.
(ii) That in each Province the Depressed Classes shall be strictly defined as meaning persons belonging to communities which are subjected to the system of Untouchability of the sort prevalent therein and which are enumerated by name in a schedule prepared for electoral purposes.
(4) NOMENCLATURE
In dealing with this part of the question we would like to point out that the existing nomenclature of Depressed Classes is objected to by members of the Depressed Classes who have given thought to it and also by outsiders who take interest in them. It is degrading and contemptuous, and advantage may be taken of this occasion for drafting the new constitution to alter for official purposes the existing nomenclature. We think that they should be called "Non-Caste Hindus," "Protestant Hindus," or "Non-Conformist Hindus," or some such designation, instead of "Depressed Classes." We have no authority to press for any particular nomenclature. We can only suggest them, and we believe that if pxoperly explained the Depressed Classes will not hesitate to accept the one most suitable for them.
We have received a large number of telegrams from the Depressed Classes all over India supporting the demands contained in this Memorandum.
DR.AMBAWDEKAR WITH HIS HIGHNESS THE AGA KHAN ( MUSLIMS ),RAO BAHADUR PANNIR SELVAM ( INDIAN CHRISTIANS ) , SIR HENRY GIDNEY ( ANGLO-INDIAN ) ,SIR HUBERT CARR ( EUROPEANS ) PREPARED A MINORITY PACT FOR A SETTLEMENT OF COMMUNAL PROBLEM WHICH IS PUBLISHED IN HIS BOOK AS APPENDIX III IN HIS BOOK " WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES " AS BELOW :-
" CLAIMS OF MINORITY COMMUNITIES
1. No person shall by reason of his origin, religion, caste or creed, be prejudiced in any way in regard to public employment, office of power or honour, or with regard to enjoyment of his civic rights and the exercise of any trade or calling.
2. Statutory safeguards shall be incorporated in the constitution with a view to protect against enactments of the Legislature of discriminatory laws affectil1g any community.
3.. Full religious liberty, that is, full liberty of belief, worship observances,. propaganda, associations and education, shall be guaranteed to all communities subject to the maintenance of public order and morality.
No person shall merely by change of faith lose any civic right or privilege, or be subject to any penalty.
4. The right to establish, manage and control, at their own expense, charitable, religious and social institutions, schools and other educational establishments with the right to exercise their religion therein.
5. The constitution shall embody adequate safeguards for the protection of religion, culture and personal law, and the promotion of education, language, charitable institutions of the minority communities and for their due share in grants-in-aid given by the State and by the self-governing bodies.
6. Enjoyment of civic rights by all citizens shall be guaranteed by making any act or omission calculated to prevent full enjoyment an offence punishable by law.
7. In the formation of Cabinets in the Central Government and Provincial Governments, so far as possible, members belonging to the Mussalman community and other minorities of considerable number shall be included by convention.
S. There shall be Statutory Departments under the Central and Provincial Governments to protect minority communities and to promote their welfare.
9. All communities at present enjoying representation, in any Legislature through nomination or election shall have representation in all Legislatures through separate electorates and the minorities shall have not less than the proportion set forth in the Annexure but no majority shall be reduced to a minority or even an equ3lity. Provided that after a lapse of ten years it will be open to Muslims in Punjab and Bengal and any minority communities in any other Provinces to accept joint electorates, or joint electorates with reservation of seats, by the consent of the community concerned. Similarly after the lapse of ten years, it will be open to any minority in the Central Legislature to accept joint electorates with or without reservation of seats with the consent of the community concerned.
With regard to the Depressed Classes, no change to joint electorates and reserved seats shall be made until after 20 years experience of separate electorates and until direct adult suffrage I for the community has been etablislred.
10. In every Province and in connection with the Central Government, a Public Services Commission shall be appointed, and the recruitment to the Public Services, except the proportion, if any, reserved to be filled by nomination by the Governor-General and the Governors, shall be made through such commission in such a way as to secure a fair representation to the various communities consistently with the considerations of efficiency and the possession of the necessary qualifications. Instructions to the Governor-General and the Governors in the Instrument of Instructions with regard to recruitment shall be embodied to give effect to this principle, and for that purpose to review periodically the composition of the Services.
'11. If a Bill is passed which, in the opinion of two-thirds of the members of any Legislature representing a particular community, affects their religion or social practice based on religion, or in the case of fundamental rights of the subjects if one-third of the members object, it shall be open to such members to lodge their objection thereto, within a period of one month of the Bill being passed by the House, with the President of the House who shall forward the same to the Governor-General or the Governor, as the case may be, and he shall thereupon suspend the operation of that Bill for one year, upon the expiry of which period he shall remit the said Bill for further consideration by the Legislature. When such Bill has been further considered by the Legislature and the Legislature 'concerned has refused to revise or modify the Bill so as to meet the objection thereto, the Governor-General or the Governor, as the case may be, may give or withhold his assent to it in the exercise of his discretion, provided, further, that the validity of such Bill may be challenged in the Supreme Court by any two members of the denomination
affected thereby on the ground that it contravenes one of their fundamental rights.
SPECIAL CLAIMS OF MUSSULMAXS
A. The North - West Frontier Province shall be constituted a Governor's Province on the same footing as other Provinces with due regard to the necessary requirements for the security of the Frontier;
In the formation of the Provincial Legislature, the nominations
shall not exeecd more than 10 per of the whole.
B.-Sind shall be separated from the Bombay Presidency and made a Governor's Province similar to and on the same footing as other Provinces in British India.
C.-Mussulman representation in the Central Legislature shall be one-third of the total number of the House, and their representation in the Central Legislature 8hallnot be less than the proportion set forth in the Annexure.
SPECIAL CLAUIS OF THE DEPRESSED CLASSES
A.-The constitution shall declare invalid any custom or usage by which any penalty or disadvantage or disability is imposed upon or any discrimination is made against any subject of the State in regard to the enjoyment of the civic rights on account of Untouchability.
B. Generous treatment in the matter of recruitment to Public Services and the opening of enlistment in the Police and Military Service.
C.-The Depressed Classes in the Punjab shall have the benefit of the Punjab Land Alienation Act extended to them.
D.-Right of Appeal shall lie to the Governor or Governor. General for redress of prejudicial action or neglect of interest by any Executive Authority.
E.-The Depressed Classes shall have representation not less than set forth in the Annexure.
SPECIAL CLAIMS OF THE ANGLO-INQIAN COMMUNITY
A .-Generous interpretation of the claims admitted by Sub-Committee No. VIII (Services) to the effect that in recognition of the peculiar position of the community, special consideration should be given to the claim for public employment, having regard to the maintenance of an adequate standard of living.
B.-The right to administer and control its own educational institutions, i.e. European education, subject to the control of the' Minister.
Provisions for generous and adequate grants-in-aid and scholar ship on the basis of present grants.
C.-Jury rights equal to those enjoyed by other communities in India unconditionally of proof of legitimacy and descent and the right of accused persons to claim trial by either a European or an Indian jury.
SPECIAL CLAIMS OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY
A.-Equal rights and privileges to those enjoyed by Indian-born subjects in all industrial and commercial activities.
B.-The .maintenance of existing rights in regard to procedure of criminal trials, and any measure Or bill to amend, alter, or modify such a procedure cannot be introduced except with the previous consent of the Governor-General.
THE COMMUNAL AWARD DECLARED ON 17TH AUGUST ,1932 BY THE BRITISH PRIME MINISTER J.RAMSAY MACDONALD WAS A MILE STONE IN THE HISTORY OF THE WAR AGAINST MANUWAD ! THE DECISION RELATED TO THE ADI-DHARAMIS/DEPRESSED CLASSES WAS AS BELOW :-
" In the statement made by the Prime Minister on 1st December last ( 1932 AD ) on behalf of His Majesty's Government at the close of the second session of the Round Table Conference, which was immediately afterwards endorsed by both Houses of Parliament, it was made plain that if the communities in India were unable to reach a settlement acceptable to all parties on the communal questions which the Conference had failed to solve, His Majesty's Government were determined that India's constitutional advance should not on that account be frustrated, and that they would remove this obstacle by devising and applying themselves a provisional scheme.
2. On the 19th March last His Majesty's Government, having been informed that the continued failure of the communities to reach agreement was blocking the progress of the plans for the framing of a new Constitution, stated that they were engaged upon a careful re-examination of the difficult and controversial questions which arise. They are now satisfied that without a decision of at least some aspects of the problems connected with the position of minorities under the new Constitution, no further progress can be made with the framing of the Constitution.
3. His Majesty's Government have accordingly decided that they will include provisions to give effect to the scheme set out below in the proposals relating to the Indian Constitution to be laid in due course before Parliament. The scope of this scheme is purposely confined to the arrangements to be made for there're sensation of the British Indian communities in the Provincial Legislatures, consideration of representation in the Legislator at the Centre being deferred for the reason given in paragraph 20 below. The decision to limit the scope of the scheme implies no failure to realize that the framing of the Constitution will necessitate the decision of a number of other problems of great importance to minorities, but has been taken in the hope that once a pronouncement has been made upon the basic questions of method and proportions of representation the communities themselves may find it possible to arrive at modus vivendi on other communal problems, which have not received the examination they require.
4. His Majesty's Government wish it to be most clearly understood that they themselves can be no parties to any negotiations which may be initiated with a view to the revision of their decision, and will not he pr('pared to give consideration to any representation aimed at securing the modification of it which is not supported by all the parties affected. But they are most desirous to close no door to an agreed settlement should such happily be forthcoming. If, therefore, before a new -Government of India Act has passed into law, they are satisfied that the communities who are concerned are mutually agreed upon a practicable alternative scheme, either ,in respect of anyone or more of the Governors' Provinces or in respect of the whole of the British India, they will be prepared i;a recommend to Parliament that that alternative should be substituted for the provisions now outlined.
5. * * * *& * * . *7. * * * *8. * * * *
9. Members of the "depressed classes" qualified to vote will vote in a general constituency. In view of the fact that for a considerable period these classes would be unlikely, by this means alone, to secure any adequate representation in the Legislature, a number of special seats will be assigned to them as shown in the table. These seats will be filled by election from special constituencies in which only members of the" depressed classes" electorally qualified will be entitled to vote. Any person voting in such 'a special constituency will, as stated above, be also entitled to vote in a general constituency. It is intended that these constituencies should be formed in selected areas where the depressed classes are most numerous, and that, except in Madras, they should not cover the whole area of the Province.
In Bengal it seems possible that in some general constituencies a majority of the voters will belong to the Depressed Classes. Accordingly, pending further investigation, no number has been fixed for the members to be - returned from the special Depressed Class constituencies in that Province. It is intended to secure that the Depressed Classes should obtain not less than 10 seats in the Bengal Legislature.
The precise definition in each Province of those who (if electorally qualified) will be entitled to vote in the special Depressed Class constituencies has not yet been finally determined. .It will be based as a rule on the general prirlciples advocated in the Franchise Committee's Report. Modification may, however, be found necessary in same Provinces in Northern India where the application of the general criteria of untouchability might result in a definition unsuitable in some respects to the special conditions of the Province.
MR. MOHAN DAS KARAM CHAND GANDHI COMMENCED HIS FAST UNTO DEATH ON THE 20TH SEPT., 1932 AGAINST THE RECOGNITION OF THE ADI-DHARAMIS / DEPRESSED CLASSES AS SEPARATE ELEMENT! BABA MANGU RAM MUGGOWALIA, FOUNDER AND THE PRESIDENT OF THE ADI-DHARAM MANDAL ALSO COMMENCED HIS FAST UNTO DEATH IN SUPPORT OF THE COMMUNAL AWARD AT SHIMLA .DR.AMBAWDEKAR WROTE," THE COMMUNAL AWARD GAVE THE UNTOUCHABLES TWO BENIFITS: - (1) A FIXED QUOTA OF SEATS TO BE ELECTED BY SEPARATE ELECTORATE OF UNTOUCHABLES AND TO BE FILLED BY PERSONS BELONGING TO THE UNTOUCHABLES; (2) DOUBLE VOTE, ONE TO BE USED THROUGH SEPARATE ELECTORATES AND THE OTHER TO BE USED IN THE GENERAL ELECTORATES."
HE ISSUED A STATEMENT ON 19TH SEPT., 1932 ON MR. GANDHI`S FAST WHICH IS PUBLISHED IN HIS BOOK “WHAT CONGRESS AND GANDHI HAVE DONE TO THE UNTOUCHABLES” AS APPENDIX IV AS BELOW: -
”Statement on Mr. Gandhi's attitude at the Round Table Conference to the Untouchables and their demand for Constitutional Safeguards, 19th September 1932
I need hardly say that I was astounded to read the correspondence between Mahatma Gandhi. Sir Samuel Hoare and the Prime Minister, which was published recently in the Papers, in which he has expressed his determined on to starve himself unto death till the British Government of its own accord or under pressure of public opinion revise their opinion and withdraw their scheme of communal representation for the Depressed Classes. The unenviable position, in which I have been placed by the Mahatma's vow of self-immolation, can easily be imagined.
It passes my comprehension why Mr. Gandhi should stake his life on an issue arising out of the communal question which he, at the Round Table Conference, said was one of a comparatively small importance. Indeed, to adopt the language of those of Mr. Gandhi's way of thinking, the communal question was only an appendix to the book of India's constitution and not the main chapter. It would have been justifiable, if Mr. Gandhi had resorted to this extreme step for obtaining independence for the country on which he was so insistent all through the R. T. C. debates. It is also a painful suspense that Mr. Gandhi should single out special report sensation for the Depressed Classes in the Communal A ward is an excust' for his self-immolation. Separate electorates are granted not only to the Depressed Classes, but to the Indian Christians, Anglo-Indians, Europeans, as well as to the Mohammedans and the Sikhs. Also separate electorates are granted to landlords, labourers and traders. Mr. Gandhi had declared his opposition to the special representation of every other class and creed except the Mohammedans and the Sikhs. AJI the same, Mr. Gandhi chooses to let everybody else except the Depressed Classes retain he special electorates given to them.
The fears expressed by Mr. Gandhi about the consequences of the arrangements for the representation of the Depressed Classes are, in my opinion, purely imaginary; If the nation is not going to be split up by separate electorates to the Mohammedans and the Sikhs, the Hindu society cannot be said to be split up if the Depressed Classes are given separate electorates. His conscience is not aroused if the nation is split by the arrangements of Special Electorates for classes and communities other than the Depressed Classes.
I am sure many have felt that if there was any class which deserved to be given special political rights in order to protect itself against the tyranny of the majority under the Swaraj constitution It was the Depressed Classes. Here is a class which is undoubtedly not in a position to sustain itself in the struggle for existence. The religion, to which they are tied, instead of providing for them an honourable place, brands them as lepers, not fit for ordinary intercourse. Economically, it is a class entirely dependent upon the high-caste Hindus for earning its daily bread with no independent way of living open to it. Nor are all ways closed by reason of the social prejudices of the Hindus but there is a definite attempt all throughout the Hindu Society to bolt every possible door so as not to a now the Depressed Classes any opportunity to rise in the scale of life. deed it would not be an exaggeration to say that in every village the caste Hindus, however divided among themselves, are always in a standing conspiracy to put down in a' merciless manner any attempt on the part of the Depressed Classes who form a small and scattered body of an ordinary Indian citizen.
In these circumstances, it would be granted by all fair-minded persons that as the only path for a community so handicapped to succeed in the struggle for life against organised tyranny, some share of political power in order that it may protect itself is a paramount necessity.
I should have thought that a well-wisher of the Depressed Classes would have fought tooth and nail for securing to them as much political power as might be possible in the new Constitution. But the Mahatma's ways of thinking are strange and are certainly beyond my comprehension. He not only does not endeavour to augment the scanty political power which the Depressed Classes have got under the Communal Award, but on the contrary he has staked his very life in order to deprive them of little they have got. This is not the first attempt on the part of the Mahatma to completely dish the Depressed Classes out of political existence. Long before, there was the Minorities Pact. The Mahatma tried to enter into an agreement with the Muslims and the Congress. He offered to the Muslims all the fourteen claims which they had put forth on their behalf, and in return asked them to join with him in resisting the claims for social representation made by me on behalf of the Depressed Classes.
It must be said to the credit of the Muslim delegates, that they refused to be a party to such a black act, and saved the Depressed Class from what might as well have developed into a calamity for them as a result of the combined opposition of the Mohammedans and Mr. Gandhi.
I am unable to understand the ground of hostility of Mr. Gandhi to the Communal Award. He says that the Communal Award has separated the Depressed Classes from the Hindu Community. On the other hand, Dr.} Ioonje, a much stronger protagonist of the Hindu case and a militant advocate of its interests, takes a totally different view of the matter. In the speeches which he has been delivering since his arrival from London, .Dr. Moonje has been insisting that the Communal A ward does not create any separation between the Depressed Class and the Hindus. Indeed, he has been boasting that he has defeated me in my attempt to politically separate the Depressed Class from the Hindus. I am sure that Dr. Moonje is right in his interpretation of the Communal Award although, I am not sure that the credit of it can legitimately go to Dr. Moonje. It is therefore surprising that Mahatma Gandhi who is a nationalist and not known to him a communalist should read the Communal Award, in so far as it relates to the Depressed Class, in a manner quite contrary to that of a communal tlists like Dr. Moonje. If Dr. Moollje does not sense any separation of the Depressed Classes from the Hindus in the Communal Award the Mahatma ought to feel quite satisfied on that score.
In my opinion, that Communal Award should not only satisfy the Hindus, but also satisfy those individuals among the Depressed Classes such as Rao Bahadur Rajah, Mr. Baloo or Mr. Govai, who are in favour of Joint Electorates. Mr. Rajah's fulminations in the Assembly have amused me considerably. An intense supporter of Separate FJectorates and the bitterest and the most vehement critic of caste Hindu tyranny, now professes faith in the Joint Electorates and love for the Hindus I How much of that is due to his natural desire to resuscitate himself from the oblivion in which he was cast by his being kept out 'Of the Round Table Conference and how much of it is to his honest change of faith, I do not propose to discuss.
The points on which Mr. Rajah is harping by way of criticism on the Communal A ward are two: One is that the Depressed Classes have gained lesser number of seats than they are entitled to on the population basis, and the other is that the Depressed Classes have been separated from the Hindu fold.
I agree in his 'first grievance, but when the Rao Bahadur begins to accuse those who represented the Depressed Classes at the R. T. C. for having sold their rights, I am bound to point out what Mr. Rajah did as a member of the Indian Central Committee. In that Committee's report, the Depressed Classes were given in Madras 10 seats out of 150; in Bombay 8 seats out of 14; in Bengal 8 seats out of 200; in U. P. 8 seats out of 182; in the Punjab 6 seats out of 150; in Bihar and Orissa 6 out of 150; in C. P. 8 out of 125 and in Assam, 9 seats for the Depressed Classes and the indigenous and primitive races out of 75. I do not wish to overburden this statement by pointing out how this distribution compares with the population ratio. But there can be no doubt that this meant a terrible under-representation of the Depressed Classes. To this distribution of seats Mr. Rajah was a party. Surely, Mr. Rajah, before he criticizes the Communal Award and accuses others, should refresh his memory of what he accepted as Member of the Indian Central Committee on behalf of the Depressed Classes without any protest. If the population ratio of representation was to him a natural right of Depressed Classes and its full realization was a necessity for their protection, why did not Mr. Rajah insist upon it in the Central Committee when he had an opportunity to do so?
As to his contention. that in the Communal Award, the Depressed Classes have been separated from the caste Hindus, it is a view to which I cannot subscribe. If Mr. Rajah has any conscientious objection to separate Electorates, there is no compulsion on him to stand as a candidate ill the Separate Electorates. The opportunity to stand as a candidate in the general electorate as well as the right to vote in it are there, and Mr. Rajah is free to avail himself of the same. Mr. Rajah is crying at the top of his voice to assure to the Depressed Classes that there is a complete change of heart on the part of the Caste Hindus towards the Depressed Class. He will have the opportunity to prove that fact to the satisfaction of the Depressed Class, who are not prepared to take his word by getting himself elected in the general constituency. The Hindus, who profess love and sympathy for the Depressed Classes, will have also an opportunity to prove tJ.1eir bona fides by electing Mr. Rajah to the legislature.
The Communal Award, therefore, in my opinion, satisfied both those who want separate Electorates and those who want joint Electorates. In this sense, it is already a compromise and should be accepted as it is.. As to the Mahatma, I do not, know what he wants. It is assumed that although Mahatma Gandhi is opposed to the system of separate electorates, he is not opposed to the system of Joint Electorates and Reserved Seats. That is a gross error. Whatever his views are today, while in London he was totally 6pposed to any system of Special representation for the Depressed Classes whether by joint Electorates or by separate Electorates. Beyond the right to vote in a general electorate based upon Adult Suffrage, he was not prepared to cohcede anything to the Depressed Classes by way of securing their representation in the legislatures. This was the position he had taken at first. Towards the end of the R. T. C. The suggested to me a scheme, which he said, he was prepared to' consider. The scheme was purely conventional without any constitutional sanction behind it and without any single seat ", being reserved for the Depressed Classes in the electoral law."
The scheme was as follows:
Depressed Class candidates Ii1ight stand in the general electorate as against other high caste Hindu candidates. If any Depressed Class Candidate was/defeated in the election, he should file an election petition and obtain the verdict that he was defeated because he was an Untouchable. If such a decision was obtained, the Mahatma said he would undertake to induce some Hindu members to resign and thus create a vacancy. There would be then another election in which the defeated Depressed Class candidate or any other Depressed Class candidate might again try his luck as against the
Hindu candidates. Should he be defeated again, he should get similar verdict that he was defeated because he was an Untouchable and so on ad infinitum. I am disclosing these facts as some people are even now under the impression that the Joint Electorates and Reserved Seats would satisfy the conscience of the Mahatma. This will show why I insist that there is no uses discussing the question until the actual proposals of the Mahatma are put forth.
I must, however, point out that I cannot accept the assurances of the Mahatma that he and his Congress will do the needful. I cannot leave so important a question as the protection of my people to conventions and understandings. The Mahatma is not an immortal person, and the Congress, assuming it is not a malevolent force, is not to have an abiding existence. There have been many Mahatmas in India whose sole object was to remove Untouchability and to elevate and absorb the Depressed Classes, but every one of the has failed in his mission. Mahatmas nave come and Mahatmas have gone. But the Untouchables have remained as Untouchables.
I have enough experience of the pace of Reform and the faith of Hindu reformers in the conflicts that have taken place at Mahad and Nasik, to say that no well-wisher of the Depressed Classes will ever consent to allow the uplift of the Depressed Classes to rest upon such treacherous shouldered. Reformers who in moments of crises prefer to sacrifice their principles rather than hurt the feelings of their kindred can be olno use to the Depressed Classes.
I am therefore bound to insist upon a statutory guarantee for the protection of my people. If Mr. Gandhi wishes to have the Communal Award altered, it iii; for him to put forth' his proposals and to prove that they give a better guarantee than has been given to us under the Award.
I hope that the Mahatma will desist from carrying out the extreme step contemplated by him. We mean no harm to the Hindu society. When we demand separate electorates. If we choose separate electorates, we do so in order to avoid the total dependence on the sweet will of the Caste Hindus in matters affecting our destiny. Like the Mahatma we also elaily our right to err, and we expect him not to deprive us of that right. His determination to Cast himself unto death is worthy of a better cause. I could have understood the propriety of the Mahatma contemplating such extreme step for stopping riots between Hindus and Mohammedans or between the Depressed Classes and the Hindus or any other national cause. It certainly cannot improve the lot of the Depressed Classics. Whether he knows it or not, the Mahatma's act will result in nothing but .terrorism by his followers against the Depressed Classes all over the country.
Coercion of this sort will not win the Depressed Classes to the Hindu fold if they are determined to go out. And if the Mahatma chooses to ask the Depressed Classes to make a choice between Hindu Faith and possession of political power, I am quite sure that the Depressed Classes will choose political power and have the Mahatma from self-immolation, If )Ir. Gandhi coolly rellcets on the consequences of his act, I very much doubt whether he will find this victory wo,,"h having. It is still more important to note that the Mahatma is releasing reactionary and uncontrollable forces, and is fostering the spirit of hatred between the Hindu Community and the Depressed Classes by resorting to this method and thereby widening the existing gulf between the two, When I opposed Mr. Gandhi at the R. T. C., there was a hue and cry against me in the country and there was a conspiracy in the so-called nationalist press to represent me as a traitor to the nationalist cause, to suppress correspondence coming from my sidc and to boost the propaganda against my party by publishing exaggerated reports of meetings and conferences, many of which were never held. "Silver bullets" were freely used for creating divisions in the ranks of the Depressed Classes. There have been also a few clashes ending in violence.
If the Mahatma does not want all this to be repeated on a larger scale, let him, for God's sake, reconsider his decision and avert the disastrous consequences. I believe the Mahatma does not want this. But if he does not desist, in spite of his wishes these consequences are sure to follow as night follows the day.
Before concluding this statement, I desire to assure the public that although I am entitled to say that I regard the matter as closed, I am prepared to consider the proposals of the Mahatma. I however trust the Mahatma will not drive me to the necessity of making a choice between his life and the rights of my people. For I can never consent to deliver my people bound hand and foot to the Caste Hindus for generations to come."
NEXT WE WILL DISCUS THE DEVELOPMENTS IN DETAILS IN THREE PARTS:- (1) THE DEVELOPMENTS BEFORE THE COMMUNAL AWARD. (2) THE DEVELOPMENTS BEFORE THE GANDHI-AMBEDKAR PACT ( POONA PACT). (3) THE DEVELOPMENTS AFTER THE GANDHI-AMBEDKAR PACT ( POONA PACT) CONTD.
Posted on August 18, 2008
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