BSP 3RD LARGEST NATIONAL PARTY - SUCCESS HAS MANY FATHERS

Prof. Vivek Kumar

Success has many fathers failure is orphan. The dictum stands true for BSP and Ms. Mayawati as well. The pollsters and self styled intellectuals have again started giving their expert comments of BSP’s performance in Uttar Pradesh. They are attacking BSP and Ms. Mayawati as if it has lost an election miserably and has been wiped out from UP and national seen.

No doubt BSP has not been able to live up to our expectations of “UP HUI HUMARI HAI AB DILLI KI BARI” (UP is ours and now its turn of Delhi). I not ruling out the shortcoming on the part of the leaders of BSP. However we have to realize and come to terms with the reality of the daunting task for which we have set for. It is Herculean task. The Dalit PM-A dream never thought of. Ms. Mayawati started popularizing this aspiration effectively only two years back when she came to power on her own in UP in 2007. People who have been part of BSP’s mobilization in UP for a Dalit Chief Minster have tasted all these set backs and success and could achieve only after 25 years of formation of BSP. The fact is no one believed then also that one day BSP will form a government on its own in UP. People use to laugh at the BSP leadership. But it has now happened.  And it happened because the BSP leadership had a dream which wad backed by hard work and determination of our leaders.

So in a caste ridden hierarchical civilization which is 2500 years old getting a Chief Minister in India’s most populous state is not a mean achievement. Have patient we will have a Dalit PM also. That apart, I have read few articles in which some journalists have given reasons because of which, according to them, BSP could not achieve success. Well journalists earn their bread and butter from writing articles and news items. It is part of their profession. BSPis not running its movement on their do’s and don’ts and on their evaluation. Moreover, it is very easy to write criticism of BSP. But to write some thing positive is the challenging job.

Therefore at this juncture the moot question is how to search positive in the verdict 2009 when the chips are down. It is in this context we should spare some time to reflect, “How could BSP in this Lok Sabha elections 2009 could increase its national vote percentage to 6.17, how did its vote percentage in UP Lok Sabha elections went up to 27.42 in 2009 from 24 per cent in 2004, and how BSP’s national tally of seats has gone up to21. How and Why in terms of vote BSP has emerged as the third biggest party at the national level after Congress and? If BSP’s policy at the UP were so bad why BSP was not wiped out?’
 
If we can answer these questions then we can help BSP better. Other wise people will keep on giving negatives only.

Posted on May 20, 2009

	Locating Dalit Women in Caste, Indian Media and Women’s Movement By Dr. Vivek Kumar (Author is Associate Professor at the Center for The Study of Social Systems/ School of Social Sciences , JNU, New Delhi )

Caste prejudices and discrimination against Dalits are a social fact of Indian society. Dalits have suffered social exclusion based on caste since time immemorial. Because of prejudice and social exclusion they have not been allocated a legitimate place in the Hindu social order and have been reduced as an appendage to the Hindu society. Even today Dalits suffer from crude forms of humiliation, stigmatization, and exclusion, specifically in the villages of India . This is evident from the number of facts. For instance they still live in their separate settlements, perform defiling and stigmatized occupations, are addressed contemptuously, abused, and ridiculed routinely, and suffer from numerous types of physical atrocities. The social exclusion of Dalits although not absent in Urban India yet its intensity and nature is different. It is subtle and sophisticated and detailed inquiry of such types of exclusions is long pending.

When Dalits in general are treated in such contemptuous manner then the women of the Dalit community are naturally more vulnerable. That is why it has been argued that Dalit women are triply exploited that is on the basis of caste, class and gender. It is in this context of Indian society we have tried in this paper to evaluate the structural location and treatment meted out to Dalit women in general. This paper tries to understand the existing prejudice in the society against Dalit women which in a way gets articulated by the atrocities committed on them by the so-called upper castes. This prejudice got manifested also in the way caste-ist remarks were hurled by the leader of a dominant caste at Mayawati- who is emerging a Dalit icon in spite of existing structural hurdles in a hierarchically arranged society. We have analyzed this issue in detail in the paper. The paper also deals with the facts and events because of which Mayawati has successfully become an icon of the Dalit society. Further we have explored that how she has deconstructed many established images of Dalit and general caste women?

In the end this paper raises three main issues. One, why at all a leader of a dominant caste ridiculed Km. Mayawati with caste-ist remarks who is now recognized as one of the most powerful women of the world? Secondly, we have tried to understand why Indian media has failed to appreciate her achievements in full glory. Thirdly, why has Indian women’s movement does not accept Mayawati as part and parcel of Indian women movement and defend her from onslaught of media and prejudices of caste in the male dominated society?  

Before we come to the main theme of the paper let us understand in what sense the term Dalit has been used

Defining the term Dalit  

Lots of confusion prevails regarding definition of the term Dalits in the sociological literature. Therefore it is necessary to define the term at the out set. The Dalits in the annals of Indian history were addressed with different nomenclatures like-Chandalas, Avarnas, Achhuts, Namashudra, Parihas, Adi-Dravida, Ad-Dharmis, Depressed Classes, Oppressed Hindus, Harijans etc. at different point in time. But especially after the emergence of Dalit Panther’s movement in 1970s in Maharashtra they preferred to be called as Dalits. The definition of Dalits as propounded by Dalit Panthers was a class definition as they included members of Scheduled Castes (SCs), Scheduled Tribes (STs), the land-less and poor peasants, Women and all those who were exploited politically, economically and in the name of religion (Murugkar 1991: 237). The term has both negative and positive connotation. Some Dalits associate themselves with negative and more objective situation of the Dalits that is of exploited and excluded community. On the other hand many Dalits have asserted that the term Dalit is symbol of assertion and ‘Dalitness’ is a source of confrontation. It is a matter of appreciating the probability of one’s total being (Murugkar 1991: 54). Here a point should be noted that it was political compulsion of the Panther’s that forced them to propound such a definition of a group, which never existed before, as they wanted to forge an alliance between these aforesaid groups so that they can get maximum support from these groups. But sociologically this definition cannot be sustained, as each group that is Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, landless and poor peasants and women is different from the other.

Therefore the world Dalit has been strictly used for ex-untouchables of Indian society who have occupied a unique structural location in it. Here the term structure has been used in terms of pattern of inter-related roles and statuses, which the actors of a specific society occupy in the spheres of rights and obligations. Nadel (1969:5) argues, “We arrive at the structure of a society through abstracting from the concrete population and its behavior the pattern or network (or ‘system’) of relationships existing between actors and in their capacity of playing roles to one another”. On can infer from above what structural position Dalits occupied and still occupy in the Indian society, which in turn resulted in their social exclusion. In this context the term ‘social exclusion’ can be defined as, “a multi-dimensional process, in which various forms of exclusion are combined: participation in decision making and political processes, access to employment and material resources, and integration into common cultural process. When combined, they create acute form of exclusion that find a spatial manifestation in particular neighborhoods”(Madanipour et al. 1998: 22). However in the Indian context as far as social exclusion of Dalits is concerned we have to add to the elements of religious justification of such exclusion based on Dharma and Karma. Moreover social exclusion for Dalits is ascriptive in nature. The structural location of the Dalits and the process of their social exclusion, as discussed above, results in construction of unique consciousness of Dalits, which is depicted through their worldview, their orientation towards life and nature etc. This consciousness cuts across the boundaries of different castes found among the Dalits and hence unites them in spite of their regional and language differences.

Therefore sociologically, the Dalits can be defined on the basis of three social characteristics:

• Their Structural location in Indian Society
• Social exclusion they suffer in the society
• Their unique construction of consciousness, which is anchored in their structural location and social exclusion.

Based on the above elements of structural location, social exclusion and construction of consciousness we can argue that the Dalits are different from Scheduled Tribes (STs), Women and poor persons belonging to caste Hindus that were included in the definition of the Dalits given by the Dalit Panthers.

The logical question then would be how are Dalits different from other groups? At the out set economically poor person is different from the Dalits because he (or the group of economically poor persons) may be deprived in economic spheres especially in terms of income necessary to participate in the economy. But he may not be necessarily deprived in social and cultural spheres i.e. he may not face the same type of exclusion in the social and cultural life either in his neighborhood or in the society at large as Dalits face. For instance penury stricken Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya or Shudra are never forced to live out side the boundaries of the main village. They interact within themselves at least in secular realms on more or less equal terms. Contrary to this the Dalits were excluded form the main residential areas of the village and were also kept out side the interaction pattern of the social life. Similarly, although a penury stricken Brahmin begs but has power to give blessings. Richest of rich may go to Kahi and Haidwar and bow down in the feet of poorest of the poor Brahmin. On the other hand although a Dalit with his hard labor cleans shoe, lifts the dead animal or toilet yet he is looked down upon Hence we can argue that a poor may be economically or politically deprived or may be in both but he is never excluded from the social and cultural spheres. But an ex-untouchable is deprived in all the three -social, economic and political realms. And therefore Oommen has rightly pointed out, “If proletarian consciousness is essentially rooted in material deprivations… Dalit consciousness is a complex and compound consciousness which encapsulates deprivations stemming from inhuman conditions of material existence, powerlessness and ideological hegemony” (Oommen 1990:256).

The social exclusion of an ex-untouchable is so overpowering that even though he attains economic and political mobility or even goes beyond the national boundaries through his hard labor, he is not accepted by the castes located higher up in the caste hierarchy as an equal. His social identity remains stigmatized and his achievements are basically associated with that social identity. Few examples in this regard can make the fact clearer. One, it is a fact that as soon K.R. Narayanan became the president of India in spite his high educational achievements and political experience, every one tried to evaluate his ascendance to presidential post only on the basis of his caste identity. Most of them argued the Narayanan was elevated to the post of president because he belonged to Dalit community (Kumar 2007 b). Secondly, if we take the Dalit Diaspora as another example the issue of social exclusion of Dalits becomes further clear. It is true that amongst Indian Diaspora, “that caste was increasingly an aspect of culture rather than social stratification per say…[however] the stigma of caste did not die out completely” (Jain 2003, Kumar: 2004). Jain (2003:74) makes amply clear how the caste stigma exists with the Dalits even though they have transcended the national boundaries. In his own words, “Women of high caste married to low caste men…looked down upon their husbands …and even told their children how their fathers were of a lower caste than them” (ibid). The caste stigma and consciousness haunts the Dalits in Diaspora in spite of their economic mobility, whenever they visit o their ancestral village. The villagers still looked down upon them.

Another impact of social exclusion on Dalits is that the loss of ‘social capital’ that could give them the potential to develop consciousness and motivation for their amelioration. Moreover, because of lack of this consciousness, they could not revolt against the existing unequal Hindu Social Order for long. Their culturalco-option in the Hindu Social Order, even though they were formally not the part of Varna hierarchy, was affected by the artificial consensus. The artificial consensus was of course part of Hindu hegemony legitimized by the Karma theory, which makes people believe in the deeds of previous births determining one’s status in the present.

Further, who can deny the differences between Dalits (ex-untouchables) and Tribals? Tribals are not a part of Hindu social order. Although few sociologists have tried to include Tribes in Hindu social order, by calling them as backward Hindus (Ghurey 1963). Moreover, the theory of Tribe-Caste continuum, which argues that there are certain castes and tribes which have substantially retained some attributes or characteristics of tribes and vice versa (Ram 2007: 23-24). However it is difficult to accept both these explanations because the traits or characteristics commonly present in them may be because of diffusion not because any continuum. There is no shared life situation and interaction between tribes and Dalits and there is no consciousness of presence of each other. Therefore mere presence of common traits between the two groups does not make them member of the same society. That is why it is difficult to accept the tribals as a part of Dalits. As the tribes have their own independent social system with its stratification, deity, family, kinship etc. they did not face the same type of social exclusion, atrocities and violence as the Dalits. Their exclusion was more because of their geographical location in the hilly or forested terrain. On the whole, Tribals differed from Dalits in political, religious, economic and psychological aspects. These aspects have kept them away from the Hindu hegemony in terms of their status in the caste hierarchy, occupation, commensality etc. In addition, this differentiation from the Hindu social order has resulted in a different type of construction of consciousness among the Tribals and therefore, unlike the Dalits, they revolted against their exploiters a number of times in the past. Consequently because of differences in their structural location, social exclusion and construction of consciousness from the Dalits we cannot include them in defining the Dalits.

Women also cannot form a part of the category of Dalits as propounded by the Dalit Panthers. The reasons are very clear. One, women in Indian society, no doubt exploited on the gender and class basis, do not constitute a monolithic whole. There is differentiation among the Indian women on caste lines as well. For instance, the women belonging to the castes located in the upper echelons of the caste hierarchy have the same attitude toward the Dalits as their male counterparts. They practice untouchability in the same manner, as any caste Hindu male would do. Secondly, general caste women have never revolted or organized any movement against the exploitation of the Dalit woman and men by Hindu caste men. Not only that, they have also not launched a decisive movement against the exploitative Hindu religious sanctions for them. On the contrary most the so-called upper caste women feel proud of their structural location and cultural heritage. Hence, how can we differentiate caste Hindu women with Hindu men and include them in the category of Dalits (Kumar: 2005, Kumar: 2007 b).

Based on the afore-discussed social facts, the term Dalit can be used for ex-untouchables in the contemporary social science parlance. Now, here a paradoxical situation merges. The paradox is that the Dalits who were never accepted by the caste Hindus as the part of the their society, at least in the ‘book view’ are now being accepted by the caste Hindus as their part and parcel. Caste Hindus justification that Dalits are part of Hindu social order cone only from the fact that there are number of cultural traits which are common to both Dalits and caste Hindus. However this preposition is not sustainable. As Ambedkar has emphasized long back that the cultural traits found in two different communities may be because of process of difussionism and not necessarily as a part of each other. On the other hand the Dalits claim an independent status of a separate community from Hinduism. Consequently, Dalits can claim their separate and independent status from the Hindu social order on the basis of three characteristics viz. structural location, social exclusion, and unique construction of consciousness. In this social exclusion of the Dalits assumes more significance than economic and political exclusion, as we have seen earlier. This sociological conceptualization of he Dalits is necessary because only then we can draw exact contours of a social group that is useful for analytical purposes, in researches, without confusing it with other social groups.

Structural Location and Status of Dalit women

At the outset Dalit women is located at the lowest ebb of the caste hierarchy. That is why she is triply exploited in terms of caste, class and gender. It is because of this structural location the Dalit woman was accorded statuses like- Devadasi, Dai (midwife), Dayan (witch) etc. It will be worth mentioning the wretched condition of the Dalit women in the different aspect of the Indian society here.

Analyzing the exploited situation of Dalit women Omvedt argues that, “the Dalit girls were dedicated to the goddess Yellama/Renuka…Following this ‘marriage to the god’ most of the girls remained in their own village; they were considered accessible to any men but at the same time not bound to or polluted by sexual relations…These girls were as ‘Murali’ and among Mahars, ‘Matangi’ among the Madigas and ‘Basavi’ among Holeyas…whatever the ‘matriarchal’ or ‘matrilineal’ remnants that can be seen in the custom, by late feudal times it also helped to institutionalize the sexual accessibility of the Dalit women for higher caste men (Omvedt 1994:72). Vijayshree (2004) explains the prevalence of custom of Devadasi among Dalits. She argues that because of the existential condition of Devadasis- Sule/Sami customs in the Telugu speaking area, Jogin or Basavi in Andhra and Karnataka calls them as ‘Outcaste sacred prostitutes’. There was no ritual space for them and marginalization was more starkly signified through the imposition of beginning as they were not granted land rights, she opines. Further, she explains that outcaste Devdasis were forced to dance during funeral procession and were forced into prostitution as they had no alternative way of earning once they were out of their youth (ibid).

Bhriggs has also highlighted the vulnerable condition of Dalit women in his study of Chamars- an untouchable caste of North India . He wrote in 1920s that, “There are other social customs, more or less objected to but often allowed and not considered wrong, which are gradually disappearing under modern conditions. Such are the jus prima noctics of landlords and gurus. The Zamindar often has liberties with Chamar’s wife in consideration of his payments to the Chamar. The Sais ’s wife gives immoral services where her husband is employed in the towns or cities” (Briggs 1920:43). Further in Tamil Nadu Rudolph & Rudolph (1987:39) have also revealed the pathetic condition of Shanan women in the area. They argued that a riot broke out in 1858 when Shanan women emulated to cover their breasts like locally dominant Nair caste. The next year, Sir Charles Terevelyan, the governor of madras, granted them permission to wear a cloth over their breasts and shoulders. The hegemony on the Dalit women has been so overpowering that even as late as 2002, Arun (2007) while doing his field work among the Paraiyars-a Dalit caste of Tamil Nadu, reported that the older Paraiyar women do not wear blouse and Sandals in front of higher castes of the village.

Apart for this look at the occupations of the Dalit women. From cleaning of human excreta to helping women of every caste in her delivery she performs unique occupation in which women of other castes do not perform. For instance at every household birth, especially in the villages the Dalit women performs the role of Dai (midwife). According to pinto (2006: 214),“ …this work…involves tasks which others (including, usually, the persons who delivered the baby) do not perform: cutting the umbilical cord, removing trash and offal, rubbing the baby with dirt, massaging the baby and mother, and bathing the infant…These women remove pollution from home by removal of trash” . In certain areas the Dalit women clean human excreta on their heads just for few Chapatis a day or she collects the Joothan (left over) from some party organized at her client’s house (Valmiki 2003).

Along with the aforesaid exploitation and discrimination of the Dalit women is also victim of societal ridicule in the society at large. Look at the following examples:

“Bitiya Chamar Ki , Nam Rajraniya”

{Daughter of Chamar with the name of Rajrani (chief queen)!!}. Manifestly the saying represents a paradox that a girl belonging to Chamar caste, who is economically poor with low caste status, cannot become a queen. But the latent meaning of this saying is that how can a Chamar give his daughter a sophisticated name. There is a case of role distancing. Such is the stigma attached to this saying that it is often used by the caste Hindus to ridicule their own girls who are little bit extrovert. Similarly,

“Chappal par Chamain Chale, Sandal Par Dhobiniya

Hai Mor Rama Badal Gail Duniya”

(The Chamarin (woman of the Chamar) walks in the slippers and Dhobinya (washerwoman) in sandals, Oh my Rama! The world has changed. This means that the Dalit women should not wear even slippers because traditionally she was not allowed to do so and if she has started doing so that the time has changed.)

Understanding the meaning of Atrocities on Dalit women

The Dalit women has very unique position in the society not only because of her stigmatized occupation and ridicule heaped on her by larger society but also because of atrocities committed on her by so-called upper castes. Specifically, if we analyze the rape of Dalit women by the castes Hindus this fact becomes clearer. It is a fact that a rape of any women is a heinous crime and punishable act under the law of every society and so is in India . But rape of Dalit women is qualitatively different. It is not only a sexual violation of Dalit women but assumes caste or communitarian atrocity. The process of sexual assault on Dalit women by the so-called upper castes assumes the nature of caste atrocity because of three reasons. One, in number of cases the rape of Dalit women is not committed by an individual. It is usually in the form of gang rape. The case of Madhya Pradesh is in point. A report presented in Madhya Pradesh Legislatively assembly revealed that in 2005 there have been approximately one thousand two hundred and seventeen (1217) cases of gang rapes (Samuhik Balatatkar) with Dalit women, out of which seven hundred twenty six (726) rapes were with Dalit girls under eighteen years (Singh 2007:28) The Khairlanji Massacre of Maharashtra on 26 th September 2006 is also a case in point.

Table depicting number of Rapes of Dalit women

Source: Collated from different Annual report of Commission for Scheduled Caste and Scheduled, New Delhi .

The second reason is that, had it been the rape been only a sexual act the victims (in this case the Dalit women) would have been left alone. But it has been reported in number of cases that the so-called upper castes deliberately desecrate the private parts of the Dalit women. The third reason to call the rape of the Dalit women as a caste atrocity is that since time immemorial the caste atrocities on Dalits by the caste Hindus are often directed through Dalit women. In a normal struggle with the Dalits the castes located higher up in the caste hierarchy try to teach a lesson to the Dalits by assaulting their woman. Thereby the whole community is terrorized and they try to suppress the emerging consciousness and assertion among Dalits. Hence the process of sexual assault on Dalit women assumes the nature of caste or communitarian atrocity. Therefore the point which I am trying to make here is that the atrocities on the Dalits have social structural basis of caste prejudice.

The aforesaid established status of Dalit is self explanatory that how much Dalit women is exploited. Therefore on the basis of her structural location, the type of occupation she is forced to perform, the stigmatization and ridicule she suffers etc. we can safely argue that the construction of consciousness Dalit women is different from the women in general. That is why her existence has been denied in society in general and Dalit society in particular. And hence the Dalit woman is triply exploited on the basis of her caste, class and gender. Therefore one can imagine how much effort Mayawati had to make to come to this level where she is being even hailed by international media.

Deconstructing established Image of Dalit women and Making of Mayawati

First of all Mayawati has broken the aforesaid established image of a Dalit woman. What is astonishing today is that against the established image of Dalit women viz- Devdasi, Dai, or Dayan Mayawati is revered as ‘Bahenji’ (sister), which is not a mean achievement. Bahenji, of not traditional Indian society, who is suppressed and remains within herself tight lipped and with the shackles of tradition and customs. Mayawati’s construction of ‘Bahenji’ is different. She is considered hard taskmaster who cannot be taken for granted and with whom nobody can take liberty. She means business-deliver or be ready for punishment is the moral lesson she has taught to her followers and subordinate officers. She commands respect and loves discipline. But this has not happened in a day. There is a history behind this construction.

Like every conscious Dalit youth or Dalit individual Mayawati started identifying herself with the Dalit community through Babasheb Ambedkar’s life and mission. She was motivated by Babsaheb’s achievements. Babasheb’s story was narrated to her by her father. When She was in class eight one day she expressed her desire to her father that, “If I work like Babasheb Dr. Ambedkar then will people celebrate my anniversary after my death as they celebrate Babasheb Dr. Ambedkar’s anniversary” (Mayawati 206:10). His father answered in affirmative and she resolved to achieve that end. Mayawati accepts that she is, “… a stubborn type of girl” (ibid), and that is why, in 1972, she could pass class 9 th, 10 th and 11 th in one year. Born on 15 January, 1956 in Delhi Mayawati after doing her graduation from a Delhi started preparing for civil services exams. In the mean time she got a job of teaching in the Department of education in Delhi . She also pursued a Law degree from University of Delhi . Then came Manyavar Kanshi Ram who changed her life and motivated her to join the social reform movement instead of joining civil services.

Mayawati (2006: 5-6) eloquently portrays, “But because of coming in contact with Manyavar Kanshi Ramji, via BAMCEF, my thoughts, ideas and aspiration to do some thing got new shape, new dimension and a new height. Appreciating my thoughts Manyavar Kanshi Ramji had told me that ‘you can become not only a collector but a good leader too and then many officers like collector will be behind you holding file and flattering, with their help you can serve and uplift the exploited-suffering Bahujan Samaj in real sense of the term’. In this way Manyavar Kanshi Ramji showed a dream, a path”. And since then Mayawati has been with the Bahujan movement.

From 1977 to 1984 Mayawati worked as a Delhi government employee and also as a social worker first in BAMCEF (Backward and Minorities Communities Employees Federation) and then in D-S4 (Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti) which were established in 1978 and 1981 respectively. This proves that she was committed to a cause without any certain future, as no body was convinced the Bahujan Movement will succeed. It was only in 1984, when Bahujan Samaj Party was launched, she joined full time politics. Mayawati had to face lots of hardship to achieve today’s status. She had to face lots of resistance from his father who was against her joining politics and thought that she can do more for Dalit uplift if she joins Civil Services. Her father threatened her, that if she did not leave Kanshi Ram’s company he will through her out from the family. Mayawati has written, “He (her father) knew that where will this young girl go leaving home and therefore he was exerting pressure on me, but I did not listen to my father ” (Mayawati 2006: 11).

Further she explains that she left her house for creating awareness among Bahujans Society with her elder brother as he was having similar ideology. She did have her seven years earnings. But there were more problems to follow her. When she started living with her brother in a separate room rented by Kanshi Ram then, “…some mean minded and selfish people started spreading rumors about me and Manyavar Kanshi Ram” (ibid). In the end she bought a separate house out of her saved money and started living alone. But Mayawati’s problems were not over. Kanshi Ram himself had accepted that when she entered in political fray she has to face lots of problem. He argued, “I feel the toughness appears to be the result of the initial opposition during he launch as a leader…Initially her father was opposed her joining the BSP movement …Keeping in mind the opposition of her father I decided to give her more and more opportunities to exhibit her talents. This was not liked by the seniors in the movement. They started opposing her. This opposition created problems for her…They tried to put pressure on me, to curtail the opportunities, I was giving her. On refusal, most of the seniors left the BSP” (Mayawati 2006:73). Apart from this when Mayawati was about to become UP’s Chief Minister in June 1995 she was attacked by the goons of Samjwadi party in Lucknow state guest house. In context Mayawati herself has written, “…because of his criminal mentality…Mulayam …with the help of police and criminals not only kidnapped BSP legislators but tried his level best to Kill me in the State guest house in front of public and media” (Mayawati 206: 548). But Mayawati survived the criminal onslaught.

Hence facing lots of challenge from within the family, within the party and society at large Mayawati has risen from the grass-roots by establishing a chord with the masses. She has not been imposed from above and neither has she had any political connections or patronage of society or media. Neither had she had a high parentage. But what a pity people only see her crown, gold and diamond necklace, and birthday celebrations. They could not to see her sufferings, sacrifices and torn ankles. The way she used to travel hours together on feet or on the back of the bicycle to mobilize the Bahujan Samaj. The way she spent days and nights in the Dalit Bustees in different seasons. Sleeping on straw and eating with the villagers. Why masses in general and India media in particular have not noticed it?

Portraying a contrast with Savarna Women in Indian Politics

Mayawati’s attire and mannerism presented a contrast to the so-called upper caste women in Indian politics. We can observe ourselves that most of upper castes women in Indian politics, who have some stature, carry a typical image of the Indian women wearing a Saree. Indira Gandhi, Vijeraje Sindhia, Sonia Gandhi, Jayalalita, Vasundhara Raje Sindhia, Sushma Swaraj, Brinda Karat, Pratibha Patil to name just a few. All these women wore Saree in public. Further barring few, most of them use their Pallu to cover their heads in deference to elders in society. Moreover, all the aforesaid women used a docile and polite way of conversation prescribed specifically in Hindu culture where raising ones voice while talking to elders and with male-counterpart is considered disrespectful.

Against this Mayawati never wore a saree and wears a Shalwar-Kurta with Dupatta wrapped around her neck. This suggests that there is no preferred code of dress for Indian women in Indian politics where patriarchy is still strong. Similarly, instead of a polite tone she uses rough and aggressive speech in public. She has a commanding voice. There is a challenge and assertion simultaneously in her speech. This aggressive tone and tenor of her speech tells her structural location of the people, she has to handle. On the one hand she had to fight with the society at large and to train the illiterate and rustic masses for political mobilization. So it is natural for her to raise her voice. She has created a climate of fear to motivate her party cadres and officials to work to her agenda.

Mayawati: Becoming of an icon

Although Indian media, academia, Intelligentsia and different political parties have tried every trick to project and portray her in negative, her followers adore her state-craftmanship and upright attitude. Her style of functioning is readily accepted by the masses which were exploited since generations. It was even accepted by her mentor Mannyavar Kanshi Ram who gave her title ‘Iron lady’ suitable for her style of functioning. That is why we can safely argue that she has become an icon of Dalits in general and Dalit women in particular. We can observe the young Dalit girls wrapping their Duppatas round their neck and calling themselves Mayawati in different localities where Dalits and OBCs live. Another fact that proves her Iconic status is that Dalits have stated naming their girls after her name ‘Mayawati’. The words of a woman sweeping the Lucknow roads in the morning depict the social change in the society even better, “She has not given me gold and silver nor has she raised my pay but now my supervisor speaks with me politely. He used to be very hostile and rude.”

Mayawati has now developed an appeal cutting across the caste and religious line as she has established herself as an able administrator and hard taskmaster. She is considered to be the first Political boss of the state to teach Bureaucrats a lesson that they are the servants and not the masters. She also taught an over due lesson to self-styled aristocrat of Kunda and other Mafias to prove the point that no one is above the law. As far as commitment to her ideology is concerned, by pursuing Ambedkar Village Scheme, effective implementation of Anti SC/ST atrocities act, constructing cultural and historical symbols for the Dalits and Bhaujans, communal riot free three regimes in 1995, 1997, 2003, she has justified her commitment to Dalits Minorities and other marginalized sections of state. And now she has given the slogan of Sarvajan. In August 2008 when UPA government was seeking a vote of trust Mayawati became the fulcrum of a alternative political coalition. The oft-quoted rhetoric ‘Dalit Ki Beti’ took a seat and she acted like a stateswoman while addressing the nation on Nulear deal with US. Almost ten parties from left to centre were ready to join hands with her, the prominent ones being CPI(M), CPI, TDP, TRS, RSP, INLD etc. (Kumar 2008 9). When will the whole nation celebrate her achievement as it celebrates the achievement of any other daughter of the country?

Caste-ist Remark against Mayawati and silence of the Indian media and women Movment

The existing caste prejudice against Dalit women became public once again in Uttar Pradesh when a leader of the dominant caste Mahendra Singh Tikait used abusive language against Mayawati- the UP Chief Minster and the President of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). One would dismiss these vulgar and caste-ist remarks as ridiculous (the remark is so un-parliamentary that it cannot be reproduced here) and can argue that it was a statement of illiterate and unsophisticated Jat leader of fading Bhartiya Kisan Union (BKU). Hence it should not be given any credence whatsoever. However, if we evaluate the socio-political context in which Tikait has uttered this obnoxious statement, we will be able to argue that it is not just a clichéd remark but it has its roots in history and sociology of Indian society, the structure of caste and the relations which emerges on the basis of caste system. That means Tikait’s remark on Mayawati is born out of deep sense of pride and prejudice with which Jats –a dominant caste of west Uttar Pradesh live.

Tiakait belongs to Jat community who are intermediary but dominant caste in west Uttar Pradesh. According to Gupta (1997:49) “Tikait believes that his clan, the Baliyan khap, came to prominence when his forefathers helped Emperor Harshvardhan (AD 606-647) in a very difficult battle. Impressed by their valor the Emperor applied a tika of his blood on the forehead of the clan chaudhury. From then on their family called Tikait”. Similarly each Jat khap (sub grouping among Jats) have an exalting story of their origin. The pride and prejudice of Jats is further highlighted by their claim of a warrior past and hence a belief that they can bow to no one, and are therefore best suited in times of peace to an agricultural occupation where a Jat can be his own master in fields (ibid). The Jats proudly claim that they are ‘number two Hindus’. The number ones Hindus are Brahmins and Baniyas. Furthermore, for traditional Jats in the villages freedom means the liberty to follow their traditions, lifestyles and customs without hindrance from outside. This Jat pride and prejudice is also reflected every time the state government does something offensive and coercive. The BKU leaders used to quite pleased every time when the officials from the state department were locked up by Jat youth (Gupta 1997:88-89). In the same vein, “every time Tikait cracks a snook at the journalist, at politician…or irrigation officials, the Jats enjoy it highly. It is like a live demonstration of their pride and dignity and their willingness to take on anyone regardless of power and wealth” (Gupta 1997: 99).

If this was the level of Jat pride and prejudice for general masses one can imagine their treatment to Dalits. It is interesting to note that the Jats do not practice Untouchability in its most overt form; however they hold the Dalits in open contempt. The contempt is evident how Jats address Dalits in villages. For instance Bhangis and Chamars do not want to be called by their names for these names were derogatory in character. The Jats however still address them with these pejorative terms. It is established fact that the Dalits are addressed in a contemptuous manner in the Indian villages whether in north or south, east or west. The ridicule and disrespect of Dalits is openly displayed while they are addressed by their specific caste names, which already has stigma, attached to it in the local area. Or when Dalits are addressed by their first names with a stress in the end of the name with ‘Re’ or ‘Ri’.

The existing domination of Jats was also visible the manner in which they paid wages of other castes. Jats seldom paid Dalits their wages; even if they paid they were never in time. Although the Dalits feel like revolting but they were subdued because of dominant presence of Jats in the village, police and in the local political structure. It is because of this socio-political background, contempt of every one in general and Dalits in particular by the Jats that Tikait hurled abuse on Ms. Mayawati a Dalit woman but presently the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. This abusive language of Tikait against Mayawati is testimony to the existing mindset with which the Jats have been living in these areas. Probably in his arrogance and celebration of past glory Tikait did not realize that socio-political reality has changed. The Dalits for whom Jats had contempt and ridicule have reached to a level where they are not ready to take things lying. With the state power and power of the movement Dalits can repay back Jats in the same currency. There is no doubt that over the years Bahujan Samaj Party has created self-confidence among the Dalits. With the formation of four governments it has led a structural change in the caste ridden Uttar Pradesh (Kumar 2003, 2007). Even then the caste pride in Tikait was to entrenched that it took ten thousand policemen, the whole administrative machinery and local Dalit population to make him realize that he has committed a crime against one of the most powerful women, not only of the state but of the world.

However, what is astonishing to note here is that the whole Indian women’s movement which cries for the dignity and respect for the Indian women did not come forward to condemn or criticize the statement made by Tikait. Not even one women organization-left, right or center came forward to react against the vulgar statement of Tikait hurled at Mayawati. Hence a question emerges that whether Mayawati comes under the sisterhood of Indian women or is she so powerful that she doesn’t need any body’s assistance? Similarly media also remained silent. The opinion makers never felt agitated against the abusive language used by Tikait probably for them caste is dead and if they speak then they will have to accept that caste exists. On the contrary the media tried to project that in punishing Tikait Mayawati has misused the state machinery. Well, as we will see further in the paper, media is itself biased and has caste-ist overtones for Mayawati. Anyway Mayawati has always been victim of silence of Indian women’s movement and media. Whether she has achieved some thing in her life or she faced some upheaval in her life both have been mute spectators. In the following lines we will evaluate this silence of Indian media and women’s media. We will leave on the readers to decide whether this silence emanates from caste prejudice or there is some thing else.

Mayawati’s achievements and Silence of Indian Media and Women’s movement

There is no doubt that Mayawati has emerged a new Dalit Icon of Dalit society in general and Dalit movement in particular. A new epoch in the Dalit movement has begun because till now only Dalit males dominated the movement. There were a number of Dalit women icons like- Uda Devi Pasi, Jhalkari Bai Kori, Sukrao Bhangi, Ramabai Ambedkar, Shantabai Dani etc. in the history of Dalit movement. However they were never visible in the movement and neither had they led any movement like Mayawati who is the leader of the movement and also heads a government. This has given her visibility as well as space to prove her worth. It is on the bases of her struggle, sacrifice and substance Newsweek, a US weekly magazine has declared Bahujan Samaj Party’s President and Uttar Pradesh’s fourth time Chief Minister Mayawati one among the eight most powerful women in the world. Strangely enough there was silence in the Indian media and women’s movement on this account.

Barring the day when news was published, the newspapers and news channels (Hindi, English or Vernacular) failed to highlight her achievement by carrying the discussion forward. There were no newspaper articles or newsroom discussions by the so-called opinion makers. We all know that media has been hostile to her personally and her government’s programmes and policies since the day she has gained prominence in the politics. There are number of incidents to prove the same. In the past just when Mayawati had entered public life media twisted her argument related to Mahatma Gandhi. Similarly the Hindi news paper Dainik Jagran tried to assassinate her character. And when party cadres led by Kanshi Ram to gheraoed the said newspaper’s Lucknow office the news paper tendered an apology and sit up was lifted. However the press did not budge as again the same news paper published a derogatory news related to Mayawati. This time its NOIDA (now Gautam Buddha Nagar UP) eddition published the news by her caste name although the news by specific Dalit caste name is prohibited under the Indian Press laws. Even in contemporary times the media projects her negative image - a Mayawati, who believes in show and pomp, erects statues: statues of social reformers of Bahujan Samaj. She makes parks and carves out new districts and chnges names of universities and cities after the names of reformers belonging to Dalit and OBC communities. Mayawati recklessly transfers bureaucrats, and ditches her political partners and so on so forth. The television has constructed her image of a politician who has unaccounted wealth in her name (The Taj corridor case is in point). Yet it is difficult to accept the silence of Indian media on her phenomenal achievement? More so when the foreign press has succeeded in recording the positive aspect of her personality.

It was not for the first time that US media had highlighted Mayawati’s personality in this positive manner. New York Times on May 4, 2003 had already emphasized her achievements by writing that, “Mayawati is the Chief Minister of India’s largest State, Uttar Pradesh …It is home of 166 million people, which means that she governs more people than all but one woman in the world, Indonesia’s President, Meghawati Sukarnoputri ”. Surprisingly that time Indian media was even more silent. The silence of Indian media on the positive achievement of Mayawati is really deplorable because the same media highlights Indian woman who either win Miss World, Miss Universe, Miss Asia or even Miss India out of proportion. If a film actress sheds few kilograms of weight or has an affair, gets engaged or gets married it makes news. Lengthy articles are written about their lifestyle and even about their tastes of food, drinks, dress, hobbies etc.The television channels will go for live telecast or have special bulletin on the same.

In the same vein Indian media even carried live telecast of protest against the implementation of Mandal Commission’s report (Mandal I and II both) by of so-called upper-caste girls, although these protests were submerged in the caste-ist overtones and symbols. The girls, who happened to be so-called upper –castes, were pretending to cleaning the roads with brooms and displaying play-cards that they will not get educated and employed husbands because of reservation. Latent meaning of this protest was that the jobs which were only reserved for the Dalits will be forced on them because of reservation. The weekly magazines have also blacked out her. Lift any special issue of an established weekly magazine (English or Hindi) on the completion of decade or silver jubilee years in publication, you will find the names and big photographs of women with far lesser achievement than Mayawati. Their insignificant achievements are blown out of proportion, but you will not find a mention of Mayawati’s achievement. Why this discrimination? No doubt Dalit leadership has termed Indian media ‘Manuvadi’. Babasaheb Ambedkar had long back commented on the prejudiced role played by then Hindu Press in vehemently criticizing his leadership during the Indian freedom movement (Kadam 1993: 241) and head launched his own newspapers and magazines. In late seventies Kanshi Ram declared media as Manuwadi for not carrying news items related to the achievements of Dalits and Dalit movements. That is why he also started his weekly newspapers in different languages of India .

We can understand the limitations of Indian media because it is closely associated with market. That does not mean that I am ruling out existing caste and gender biasness in Indian media. However we have to understand and analyze the role played Indian women’s movement to highlight and appreciate the achievements of Mayawati. Is it ready to own Mayawati and her achievements of as a woman? Why is it silent? Can the general caste women now transcend class and caste in the name of sister-hood and celebrate the achievement of a Mayawati as a woman or a Dalit woman. Moreso because, “in the women’s movement …it was assumed that caste identities could be transcended by larger identity of sisterhood among all women” (Rege 2006: 2). But I don’t think that the women movement in India will celebrate this. There are number of reasons for the same. One as has been rightly highlighted by the Dalit women’s themselves. According to Rege (2006:3), “The writings and manifestoes of different Dalit women’s groups underlined the fact that the unmarked feminism…had, in fact been in the theory and praxis a kind of brahmanical feminism”. Secondly, “The common sense of the women’s movement has often rendered Dalit women’s narratives of struggle as not being feminist enough because of what is perceived as prioritization of community over women’s own issue” (Rege 2006:50-51). Last but not the least the women’s movement though obliquely accepts direct relationship between caste and patriarchy yet it is not ready to launch a ny movement against discrimination based on caste. Why Indian women movment has failed to launch a movement against the caste system in Indian society? 

Conclusions

To conclude we can argue that the structural location of Dalits and their women in Indian society is unique. The exclusion and exploitation of Dalit women takes place because of their unique location in and hierarchical and caste ridden society which separates them from general caste women. However what is commendable is that in spite of structural barriers Mayawati- a Dalit woman has emerged an icon of Dalit movement. But ironically Indian media, women movement and in a world society at large has failed to appreciate her achievement like any other daughter of the nation.

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Posted on February 6, 2009